Respecting self-determination could prove good governance model for Ethiopia’s Southern Nations

15 mins read

by Kulle Kursha

The prevailing federal view is that many more regional states in southern Ethiopia will stretch public resources, but it will also move government closer to the people.

In a historic 23 November 2019 referendum, the Sidama nation overwhelmingly voted to declare its autonomy from Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State (SNNPRS), and so set it on the path to become the tenth regional state of the federation.
The Southern Nations government finally transferred power to the newly formed Sidama National Regional State (SNRS) on 18 June—bringing the fate of the remainder of the region back into focus.

The diverse federal state has at least 56 indigenous “Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples” (NNPs). In the last two years, the 11 most populous zones—Sidama, Wolayta, Gurage, Gofa, Gedeo, Keffa, Gamo, Kambata-Tambaro, Bench-Maji, Hadiya, South Omo and Dawro—have asked the regional government for referendums on upgrading to regional state status.

Only Sidama’s has been granted—thus far.

In a response to these constitutional statehood demands, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has, on different occasions, said the NNPs will be better off—economically, culturally and politically—if they stand together as one rather than fragment; or, at least, if they are technocratically split into an optimal arrangement.

But, is he right?

Pro-government elites and politicians affirm Abiy’s position that a single administrative structure may afford stronger collective bargaining and mobilize more development resources. These arguments, however, often fail to acknowledge and address the root causes behind the requests: the lack of equitable investment in basic infrastructure and maladministration by both federal and regional governments.

Analysis of the economic, cultural and political aspects vis-à-vis the exercise of the constitutional right to statehood can shed some light on whether Abiy’s position is right.

Economic argument
The economic argument of the premier is that the establishment of multiple regions according to local wishes would increase administrative costs, including on salaries, which otherwise could be invested in basic infrastructure like road, health centers, education institutions, water, and electricity.

This may be a concern in theory, but it is not practically true in light of the factors that gave rise to the statehood demands.

In the south, there is a lack of investment in infrastructure, and existing infrastructure is concentrated primarily in Hawassa (capital of SNNPRS and now also Sidama Regional State’s capital), and to some extent other bigger cities, like Sodo and Arba Minch, while other areas like South Omo, Keffa and Tepi lack infrastructure.

The question, then, is not the quantity and quality of economic resource available but who benefits from them—the question of equity.

Mere mobilization of resources does not necessarily guarantee economic efficiency nor equitable use. A counter-argument is that the nearer the administrative center is, the less it costs to access it.

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The Keffa people, for example, waste days and money to reach Hawassa via Jimma-Addis Ababa-Hawassa. The same is true for South Omo people like the Nyangatom living along the Ethiopia-Kenya Border.

Administrative costs, in fact, may divert economic resources at the formative stage of a new state in the short-term, but in the long-term address question of equitability, reduce the costs of accessing administrative centers, and assist accountable resource use.

The closer government is to people, the easier it is to question the administrators about how resources are being used. Peoples know what resource they have and whether they are deployed in the public interest. People know who is in charge of what and who is responsible for it.

These factors matter. Socio-cultural argument

Whether SNNPRS’s division into multiple ethnic-based regions erodes the socio-cultural cohesion of the diverse southern peoples is debatable. One line of argument is that it may mean increasing elite-led ‘ethnic-nationalism’ and resultant ‘ethnic-antagonism’. But, hitherto existing arrangements gave rise to complaints of marginalization and evidence of antagonism anyway.

The relatively autonomous NNPs of the south had peacefully coexisted until they were cramped into SNNPRS. In this regard, Beza Dessalegn and Niguse Afesah argue that the merger of 56 ethnic groups under a single regional state caused aggressive competition among them for political power, triggering the autonomy demands. The increasing antagonism is, therefore, arguably, the result of competing interests under the current administrative arrangement.

Reorganizing SNNPRS into multiple regional states would remove the flashpoint of competition and resultant heightened ethnic antagonism. This, in turn, could foster enhanced mutual coexistence and economic cooperation among NNPs. Furthermore, it is not recognition of exercise of rights that leads to conflict—it is the refusal to grant those rights that fuels violence.

Political argument
One of the common argument proponents of maintaining the status quo raise is that the division of SNNPRS into many more regions could cause fragmentation, which in turn could compromise collective bargaining power at federal level.

This line of argument may seem plausible for infant federal systems like ours where majority affiliation is important. It must be noted, however, that being the majority or minority is not the only determinant factor.

To the contrary, consent-based formation of more regions could remove the current antagonism borne out of power-and-resource-based conflict of interests. This, in turn, promote mutual respect and cooperation among NNPs for their common good and strengthen their collective bargaining power for that common interest.

Above all, it is illogical to talk about weakening collective bargaining given the ongoing antagonism and fragmentation that gave rise to the statehood demands.

Abiy accelerator
Decades-old demands for statehood were revitalized by Abiy’s arrival in April 2018.

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The prime minister made several visits to Southern Nations, including Sidama, Wolayta, Keffa, Gurage, Hadiya, Gamo, Kembata, Silte, Halaba, and South Omo. He delivered speeches, followed by discussion with representatives of the people, usually elders, elites and religious leaders.

The three issues repeatedly raised by the representatives were autonomy requests; demands for better and more roads, health centers, educational institutions, and electricity and telecommunication services; and complaints about lack of good governance. The complaints could be seen to underscore the need for more autonomy, if that would help improve governance.

Abiy downplayed statehood as a continuation of nearly three decades of ruling coalition’s rhetoric of “forging unity in diversity” which ultimately failed to deter Sidama’s quest for statehood that had been in place since the formation of SNNPRS.

Similarly resilient demands particularly by Wolayta, Gurage and Keffa, despite a violent crackdown on the former by government security forces, indicate the unsustainability of attempting to maintain the status quo. Abiy conceded that there is a need for widespread deliberation by referencing the relative lack of discussion during the formation of the region in the mid-1990s. He reasoned, “it is foolish to maintain 56 NNP as single state nor appropriate and feasible to grant each NNP (56) a separate state.”

However, while the premier is on solid footing with that statement, a firm middle ground has not yet been discovered.

Last year, a Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM)-commissioned a “scientific study” which recommended either maintaining the south as single region; splitting it into two or more regions; or delaying statehood requests. The premier, however, established another 80-member committee with the mission to “consult people” and report their findings for further discussion.

It seems that Abiy’s understanding is in line with second recommendation of the “scientific study”: to divide the south into several regions.

According to the prime minister, the committees will discuss with all special weredas and zones regarding the desirable number of regions and their composition. The factors he suggested are popular consent, cultural interactions, geographical proximity, and economic impact.

The Ethiopian constitution articulates the right to self-determination of NNPs as an unconditional one that includes secession from the federation. But, according to the premier, the recommendation of the committee tasked to determine whether to reorganize SNNPRS is conditional on government implementation capability, suggesting that restructuring is based on administrative efficiency.

This removes statehood requests from being a constitutionally guaranteed unconditional right and makes them subject to federal whim.

The prime minister equates a multiplicity of new administrative structures with additional administrative expenditures that divert resources from infrastructure and other economic development. This argument hinges on the availability of resources, the ability to mobilize revenue such as taxes, and how they are administered.

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Bottom up
While addressing parliamentary questions, the prime minister said his administration “will not waste additional time in dealing with the statehood demands nor give ultimate decision over it but will refer it to House of Federation (HoF) which has jurisdiction to decide.” In a meeting held in the capital the premier warned high ranking administrators from the zones and special weredas of the region not to fuel the statehood requests. He instructed them to convince their respective constituencies and agree among themselves on the basis of popular consent, cultural interactions, geographical proximity, and economic impact.

The cumulative reading of the federal constitution provisions 39(5) and 47(2) guarantees the unconditional right of every NNPs to establish their own states without pre-condition. By referring the matter to the HoF, the premier may seek to base extra-legal conditions on firm legal ground through constitutional interpretation.

Reorganizing SNNPRS should be voluntary after consultation with the people concerned.

Mere delegate and elite-level consultation is insufficient as grassroots discussion is necessary to secure informed consent. The issue to resolve now is how to restructure the region in a democratic manner so it is administratively efficient, economically viable, and politically sound—and so it maintains the status quo of cultural interaction among the people.

One alternative is equitably dispersing administrative seats across the newly established regional state. For instance, office of chief regional administrator can be seated in Zone ‘X’, regional Supreme Court and regional justice department in Zone ‘Y’, regional agricultural and pastoral department in zone ‘Z’, etc.

This approach would help ensure equitable infrastructure investment, accessibility of offices, and above all can be a long-sighted solution for future division of assets in case new regions emerge. The current discussions over ownership and asset division of Hawassa can serve as a lesson.

There should also be a clear law for ensuring the representation and participation of each NNP in the new administration. There should not be a monopoly of one group over regional affairs as that leads to antagonistic competition. Good governance should also be a guiding principle for all newly formed regions as one of the basic drivers of the statehood requests is maladministration and inequitable resource distribution.

The right of southern NNPs to establish their own regional states in pursuit of their constitutional rights to self-determination must be respected. If last month’s incident in Wolayta is any indication, obstruction of these rights and undue delay is causing further deterioration of peace and security, often resulting in the unnecessary loss of innocent lives.

Failure to resolve the statehood demands in SNNPRS before the upcoming national election would likely only exacerbate the situation.


  1. Wish you used the original photo for this article selected by the author which is beautiful image of a women asking a question during a town hall meeting in Southern Ethiopia as it was originally published on the UK-based website, Ethiopian Insight. The photo used here, however, takes away form the well informed article. Unlike the fake names that we see regularly the writer fully identifies himself. He is Kulle Kursha, an Ethiopian Insight reporter and analyst focused primarily on the Southern Nations. He is a law lecturer at Hawassa University. That’s the way you can help Ethiopia transition to democracy not through the wicked hidden propagandists in America. Thank you!

  2. Muferiat Kamil, The President of the SouthernNNP Region got the responsibility to ensure peace not only in the SNNPR region but also all throughout Ethiopia , sadly Muferiat is not doing a good job either at being the Minister of Peace of Ethiopia or at being the President of the SNNPR region.

    Solution being forming a care taker government until a free and fair national election can be held.

  3. “Hawassa University” !!!
    I have been away from Ethiopia for so long, unconsciously.
    Ethiopia is now NEW to me.
    My best wishes to ETHIOPIA, sincerely hoping that RATIONAL VISION prevails to maintain the One of the few Oldest Countries in the world, with RICH HISTORY, enviable to most countries around the Globe. In particular, it is the PRIDE of BLACK AFRICA. Destroying it through internal squabbling is unforgivable horrendous CRIME. The entire people of Ethiopia will share that wanton destruction — no one else. THE END

  4. Ethiopia is already at war with Egypt. With this kind of images your’re unwittingly helping the enemy. Sad. Remember media plays a large role it’s not only about sensationalism. Thank you.

  5. “ስድስተኛው አገራዊ ምርጫ በትግራይ ይካሄዳል፤ በትግራይ የተካሄደው ምርጫ ተቀባይነት የለውም”- የተወካዮች ምክር ቤት

  6. Rezen

    Ethiopia got a high percentage of people who don’t know how to read or write in any language. Eighty plus millions of Ethiopians or 70% of Ethiopians do not know how to read or write .

  7. It is my wish that any group pushing ethnicity refrain from running for an office. That is because it is my conviction that the so-called ‘National Question’ which was our own commies’ battle cry has been amicably addressed since 1995. Oromo this, Amhara, Tigre this or den of bigots that is doing nothing for the good of the people other than sowing animosity between peace/harmony mongering neighbors. Such groups are giving the old wound no chance to heal. They are nothing but a menace to the society. Everyone of them. That Amhara group will never be able to solve the daunting economic problems the noble people from the Amhara region are facing by waging the struggle alone. These Oromo groups will never be able to drag the Oromo people from wretched living conditions by standing all alone. As I have mentioned umpteen times before the economic problems that poor Oromo is facing is one and the same with what that Amhara, Tigre, Afar, Somali or any other group of people is facing. Did you hear him asking for green milk from a purple cow? Did that poor Amhara farmer demand blue milk from an orange cow? Their problems are common to all and will never go away by struggling in separate and exclusive settings. Why an Oromo group calls itself a ‘federalist’ and still wants to stand alone? Why an Amhara group talks about struggling for the rights of all people in Amhara region when there is no pure Amhara people? That region has millions others who claim to be non Amhara. That Oromo region has millions who claim to be non Oromos. The leaders of all such ethnic groups should be aware of the commonality of the problems since they are all well educated. Many of such leaders have been dangling their PhD’s in front of our eyes until we are blinded. But it seems there is an ulterior motive underneath the rug they are standing on. It is all a power grabbing scheme to carve away a territory where they will be the sole decision makers by forming fiefdoms. I wish they will revisit their current foul stand and mend their destructive ways. It will never cut the mustard for the economically back broken people other than pitching one neighbor against another. Oromo Federalist, All Amhara, Arena this and others alike! Nonsense, just nonsense!!!

  8. Ittu Aba Farda

    Look who is talking? This coming from one of the most divisive people in the Ethiopian Diaspora. You are reaping what you sow. You should have thought about this a long time ago when you were promoting one-sided political hate blinded to this light that future consequences are inevitably shaped by present actions. You were too busy planting the seeds of political hardheadedness in the diaspora. It’s too late now the genie is out of the bottle. The other side has caught up and adopted your tactics. ለእኔ እናት ምን ደላት ያም አፈር ያም ድንጋይ ጫነባት ። Now what’s the point of crying over spilled milk? We all do things we desperately wish we could undo. Those regrets just become part of who we are, along with everything else. To spend time trying to change that, well, it’s like chasing clouds. You know, when you lie in bed awake and replay all those things you didn’t do right? Because, as we all know, nothing solves insomnia like a nice warm glass of regret. Change starts with oneself. Why do you look at the speck of sawdust in your brother’s eye and pay no attention to the plank in your own eye? How can you say to your brother, ‘Let me take the speck out of your eye,’ when all the time there is a plank in your own eye? You hypocrite, first take the plank out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to remove the speck from your brother’s eye. ለእባብ እግር የለው ለሞኝ መላ የለው።

  9. Dear Mimi,

    I come to with betting you peace nothing but peace!!! I thank you for being so civil in talking to me. I want to assure you that I am always ready to learn from others intended for the good of those glorious people who produced us all. I also assure you and everyone else is I am closed airtight to any suggestion that preaches division among people along the ethnic lines in the struggle for justice for all. I am 100% convinced that issues regarding ethnic improprieties have been amicably answered since 1995. Why? You may ask. That because that child from my Itu clan will no longer be forced to have the shock of his/her tender life on the first day of her school day as I did almost 7 decades ago because the medium has suddenly changed from his/her mother tongue, the only medium she/he understands. That member of my Itu clan does not have to look for a trusted translated(always hard to come by) to have his case heard at the local courts or police stations. No more that absentee landlord who used to show up at his Wachu(Waacuu) hut every harvest season asking him to come up with black milk from a green cow. All that is gone!!! The problem he/she is having now is no different from what his contemporary is facing in all other regions: Bad governance. This will not be a walk in the park. It is a daunting task that cannot be done away with a struggle waged in Oromia or Amhara, Tigre or any other region alone. Dr. Aregawi Berhe has been screaming bloody murder about the injustices inflicted upon the noble people of Tigray for more than 4 decades now. Those who founded various Amhara organizations have been crying foul about the gross improprieties leveled against the noble people of Amharas for more than 3 decades now. Some of such groups(Tigre, Amhara, Oromo, Sidama, Somali, Afar, Benishangul etc..) had even taken to the bushes by colluding with the sworn enemies of the old country to wage armed struggle but all to no avail. It will never be accomplished in separate and intentionally designed exclusive struggle. Let me put it bluntly this way to you and all others. All these ethnic based groups should delineate themselves from the face of that glorious country. That is the only way a strong opposition can materialize and without such peaceful and strong all inclusive opposition party there is no other way the people of that country will get to the Promised Land where the rights of the individual are enshrined in and protected by the just law of the land and nobody will be bestowed with carte blanche to be above such a law. Such reality will be able to put in place strong public oversight institutions that will watch over whoever is running the country. It seems these bigots know that very well and a united struggle does not jive with their grand plan which is to carve out a territory by yanking away my Oromos from their noble neighbor Amharas and vice versa. That is why they love needling and poking at old wounds. I have spoken against such evil scheme in clear clarion terms for decades and I will continue to do that. If that offends these modern day industrialists of hate factories, tough luck and so be it!!! I have been holding them equally responsible for the senseless killings there just the same as those who sent their soldiers to mow down peaceful demonstrators in the streets of cities and villages. If this also ruffles some feathers with these bigots and their rabid dogs, oh whoopee doo and so be it.

    Blessings to you and your family. Stay safe!!!

  10. Ittu Aba Farda (Mintesinot)

    ሊጣላ የመጣ ሰብብ አያጣም። Sorry you missed the point that your are not a trust worthy individual. You are part of the problem and not the solution. There is no single attention seeking person (obviously lonely you spend a lot of time in chat rooms commenting on your own propaganda in addition to all your fake name bigoted articles and your usual weekly BS) who has damed down political discourse in our community. After Abiy you should have focused on your failed fundraising instead you’re still running around like a dog with rabies . As president Obama says: We have real enemies in the world. These enemies must be found. They must be pursued and they must be defeated. Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. We are the ones we’ve been waiting for. We are the change that we seek.

    ሊያልፍ ውሀ አደረገኝ ድሀ እንደሚባለው ሊገኝ ተናገር ውሀ ሲጠራ ተሻገር።

    Good luck to you.


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