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Why is Fano Stronger in Gojam Compared to Other Amhara Regions?

Yonas Biru

Of recent, I have become a target of an Amhara Shene cabal (Dr. Bruke Lemma) who accuses me of “acting as a mouthpiece for the monstrous autocrat [Abiy Ahmed], advancing the Oromummaa agenda, and infiltrating and undermining the Amhara leadership.”

The idiocy of the Ethiopian politics is often attributable to people who accidentally find interest in politics, straying out of their areas of expertise such as accounting and engineering. These are professions guided by handbooks. The accountant is advised if the debit and credit lines are not equal ችግር አለ ማለት ነው. The engineer is reminded “ድልድይ ስትሰራ ሲቢርቶ እና ብረት ተጠቀም.”

Politics is too complex to be reduced to a handbook. When engineers and accountants try to become political analysts, they get lost. I thought this may be Dr. Bruke’s problem. My curiosity prompted me to check his expertise. I found out he holds a PhD in biodiversity. This is the study of እንቁራሪት፣ እንሺላሊት፣ ጉሬዛ፤ ቢራቢሮ፣ ከርከሮ፣ ጊንጥ and ሸለ ምጥማጥ, among others. His was an intellectually ambitious and rather audacious jump in pay grade to go from studying እንሺላሊት to analyzing human interactions in a complex game of politics.

Some may see the above paragraphs as an unnecessary distraction. Such people miss the point that without understanding the accidental oddballs who infest our political landscape one cannot understand the over-supply of idiotic cacophony that has overcrowded rational discourse.

Dr. Bruke’s ad hominem against me was triggered by one of my articles titled “Critical Steps to Jumpstart Fano’s Stalling Momentum,” dated Nov. 19, 2023. My article’s objectives were three.


  • Bring to light “current realities and painful undercurrents that the government and the Fano enterprise must come to terms with.”
  • Show “the war is fought between a government that is in a cult-like trance sleepwalking into an endless war and an Amhara uprising that lacks political technology and theology to realize its full potential to score a definitive political victory.
  • Help “bring Fano’s political and military spheres into alignment and show a path for a strategic political and military victory.


The article opened with the following short paragraph about the Prime Minister (Boy King):

“Since the Fano uprising, the Boy King’s God-like Omnipotence and Satanic Malevolence have been successfully challenged. Consequently, Oromummaa’s mass eviction and mass murder policies of ethnic cleansing have waned to a significant degree.”


It went on further to highlight:

“The government must come to terms that the use of drones and tanks against Fano fighters and civilian targets will certainly not bring the Fano enterprise to its knees. To the contrary, it will galvanize the people and draw even the most reluctant Amhara into the war theatre. The government must also come to terms that the Boy King has lost his trustworthiness, owing it to his betrayal of everyone who trusted him, his pathological tendency to lie, and most of all his lack of human sympathy.”

Prior to this, I have written many articles reiterating the same points. For example, in August 2023, I published a proposal for Fano Manifesto in which I described the Fano movement as follows:

In the unmitigated Oromummaa zeal for hegemonic subjugation, the people of Amhara are seen as a stumbling block. Therefore, Amhara is targeted as enemy number one. Words cannot describe the evil and savagery of Oromo-PP and Oromummaa against the Amhara. Fano raised arms as a matter of self-defense and survival against such a force that is hellbent on subjugating or annihilating it…

I have also authored seven articles on Oromummaa and Gadda with such titles as (1) “The Oromummaa Politics: Weaponized with Lies and Soaked in Blood”; (2) “Oromummaa is a Low Grade Nazification Movement”; and (3) “Slavery and Terror Were Integral Parts of the Gadaa System.”

My position on Oromummaa has made me a target of leading Oromummaa intellectuals including the God father of the Oromummaa political theology (Professor Asafa Jalata) in over half a dozen published articles. One such article characterized me as “the leader of the Amhara supremacist Nafxanyaa, an Amhara version of the American Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the most hateful and violent group in history.”

It takes an organic idiot dumbified by a hermitized culture to accuse me of “acting as a mouthpiece for the monstrous autocrat [Abiy Ahmed] and advancing Oromummaa’s agenda”.


Considering the shortcomings of the Fano establishment, my article highlighted:

The Fano ecosystem including its diaspora support base needs to accept two fundamental points. First, in and of itself, having morally, legally, and politically justified cause for an armed uprising does not lead to a political victory. Second, military strength is a necessary condition for political victory, not a sufficient one.

The uprising of Fano is the best thing that has happened to Ethiopian politics since the savagery of Oromummaa invaded the political market. However, the sad reality is that Fano’s Military offensive appears to have stalled or at the very least lost its initial momentum.

This is attributable to the fact that the military uprising is conducted in a political vacuum. Fano needs to come to terms that its military advance is undermined by the lack of an inclusive political architecture with a robust political strategy and a viable endgame along with a flexible roadmap.

Anybody who thinks Fano will march into Addis under current circumstances is an Uber-idiot. Furthermore, anybody who knows anything about anything related to political conflict resolution and coalitions formation knows the እድር-ወ-ፅዋ tradition that relies on the science of አንተም ተው አንቺም ተይ doctrine of እርቅ will not work to unite different Fano factions. Such conflict resolution traditions were effective in the 19th and early 20th century. They do not work in the 21 century!

I consistently named the Eskinder Nega and Shaleka Dawit Woldegiorgis team as a liability to the Fano movement. In this regard, I stressed:

Fanos success depends on its ability to fend off political extremists hovering inside and outside of its enterprise. The sooner it repulses such characters, the sooner it will achieve its full potential.

Regarding Eskinder I wrote, he was an award-winning and praiseworthy human rights warrior. But his extremist tendency, checkered track record, and demonstrated inability to make strategic decisions in complex and uncertain situations make him unfit to be a political leader. The people he appointed as his right hand is a telling example. First it was Ermias Legesse and then Shaleka Dawit. He should have limited his role to being the symbol of the resistant movement without seeking a political leadership position.

My view on the Shaleka is that he is a liability for the Fano movement. He lacks political savviness, diplomatic subtlety, and moral fortitude to lead any political movement. For example, his public statement that “ኢትዮጵያ የሚያስፈልጋት አማራ አማራ የሚሸት መንግስት ነው” was idiotic and a fodder to extremist Oromummaa forces. He also has questionable track record with undesirable baggage.

The very people who in August and November 2023 threw an avalanche of ad hominem toward me turned around and signed a petition demanding the Shaleka to resign, accusing him of undermining the Fano movement. The Shaleka was forced to resign. In the meantime, the Fano enterprise unceremoniously pushed out Eskinder from the movement.


In What Way Did Eskinder and Shaleka Dawit Undermine the Fano Movement?

After he fled Addis Ababa, Eskinder was protected by Gojam Fanos. At the time, Fano was led by Dr. Wondewosen who was later arrested after the Information Network Security Administration (INSA) intercepted his telephone conversation with Meskerem Abera and found his location.

Under Dr. Wondewosen leadership, Fano had a designated underground team that was supposed to fill potential leadership void if the leaders were arrested or killed. Undermining the designated successors, Eskinder with pressure from Shaleka Dawit and Ethio-360 extremist Amhara Shene clowns declared himself the Leader of Fanno and appointed the Shaleka as his international spokesperson.

This sent a shock wave through the Fano ecosystem both at home and in the diaspora. Their action divided the movement into pro-Eskinder (mostly extremist forces) and anti-Eskinder groups. Pro-Eskinder forces were primarily diaspora forces. It had little to no fighting force on the ground.

The strategy was to use diaspora forces as a leverage to hijack the Fano movement at home. Shaleka mobilized over a million dollars from the diaspora to help finance the Fano movement. He required Fano leaders across the Amhara tribal land to pledge allegiance to Eskinder to get a share of the diaspora funds that were collected in the name of all Fanos.

Some Fano groups threatened Eskinder. In the meantime, members of the diaspora community who were active in the fund-raising drive tried to appeal to the Shaleka to stop his backdoor political manipulation. The Shaleka ignored their appeal. This led ZemedeKun Bekele (a member of Amhara Shene himself) to write to his 330,000 social media followers, stating:pppppppppppppppppppppppppppppp

“… እኔን ተዉኝና እናንተው እንደልማዳችሁ [ገንዘብ አሰባስቡ] ብላችሁም አልሰማኝ ብላችሁ በግድ አስገብታችሁኛል። ከገባሁ አይቅር እንግዲህ እኔ ዘመዴ አይቶ ማለፍ፣ ሴራ መታገስ አይሆንልኝም እና እንደተለመደው እንደፈረደብኝ የጭቃ ዥራፌን ላነሳ ነኝ። ቀልድ የለም። … እስክንድር በጎጃም አደጋ ቢደርስበትም ተጠያቂነቱ ከራሳችሁ ላይ አይወርድም። በተለይ ሻለቃ ዳዊት ወልደ ጊዮርጊስ ይሄ እርስዎንና ቲሞትን ይመለከታል። …የጎጃም የዐማራ ፋኖዎችም ነገሮችን በጥበብ ለማለፍ ስሩ። የሕዝብ አደራ ስላለብኝ ማንንም ሳላስፈቅድ ቀኝ ትከሻዬን ስለሸከከኝ ብቻ ይህንን ጽፌአለሁ።”

Even those who initially supported Eskinder’s team turned against it, accusing Shaleka Dawit as the culprit. They presented Eskinder as a victim of the Shaleka.


Why is the Amhara Shene’s Attack Against Me Revived After My Position Proved Right?

As noted above, my article that triggered the current onslaught against me was published on Borkena News on November 19, 2023. Dr. Bruke’s ad hominem was published a week later, on November 26. Why is it revived and widely circulated now?

The person who is spearheading the redistribution campaign is the Swedish Professor Girma Berhanu.

He is one of the key figures in the Eskinder-Shaleka-Ethio-360 establishment.

This is puzzling. When it comes to exposing the evils of Oromummaa, “ባባቷ እምላለሁ አባቴን አስክዳኝ” እንዳለው ዘፋኝ, the Swedish Professor አባቱን ተቶ በኔ ይምል ነበር. In one of his articles, he wrote “Dr. Yonas

Biru has aptly captured the Oromummaa evil agenda.” In his articles he extensively borrowed from my published pieces. He quoted 637 words or a page and a half from my work in just one of his articles. I am also aware that he has been widely circulating my articles to friends and relatives as a compelling analysis that “destroyed the Oromummaa ideological base.”

Of recent, he is widely sharing Dr. Bruke’s articles that markets me as a “ሆዳደር መፃጉዕ (Hunchback) who is serving Oromummaa’s agenda.” One thing is for certain. A unified Gojam Fano was established after the Shaleka-Eskinder-Ethio-360 circle lost its influence – just as I predicted it would. As members of Shaleka-Eskinder-Ethio-360 groupie, the good professor and Dr. Bruke are venting their anger and resentment by throwing their Amhara Shene hoots of disdain at me.


Why is Fano Stronger in Gojam Than in Other Parts of the Amhara Tribal Land?

Fano in Gojam not only survived the Shaleka/Eskinder/Ethio-360 divisive agenda but also managed to establish the strongest and most unified Fano to date. The question is: What sets Gojam apart from Fanos in Shewa, Gonder and Wello. The answer to this question is key to establishing a political architecture to unify Fano across the Amhara tribal land.

There are several factors. Chief among them is that Gojam is relatively more homogenous in terms social demography. For one it is considered the Bible belt of the Orthodox Community. Thought it has considerable Muslim community, they exist outside of the political power centers.

Fano in Wello exists in a region where Christians, Muslims Amharas, Oromos and Afars and to some degree Tigryans live together. The political power centers in major cities are notably diversified. The same is true to some degree in Gonder where there is a significant politically active Muslim community in political power centers. For example, when Jawar was trying to organize the Muslim community, his target was Gonder, not Gojam. Further, intermarriage rates between Amhara-Tigray and Amhara-Eritrea is common in Gonder. Shewa is also a reasonable diverse region. Therefore, establishing a unified Fano in Wello, Gonder and Shewa is more challenging than in Gojam.

It is time for the Fano enterprise to pause, reflect, retrospect and take midcourse correction where needed to bring its political end goal and military means into balance. Such a pivot is an absolute necessity to thwart its diminishing chances of success and align its trajectory to its strategic political goal.

Unifying Fano under a common political architecture requires a methodical process. First is to establish a political platform to develop a common agenda, and a robust strategy along with a concomitant roadmap and flexible and adaptive end goal. The agenda-setting and roadmap-building efforts must be transparent and inclusive to provide opportunity to all stakeholder to participate.

Unity that is based on a political agenda, strategy, roadmap, and end goal will change the social psychology of not only Fanos but also anti-government forces in the other tribal homelands. It helps to relieve lingering doubts between different social groups and as such inspire confidence and trust in the common agenda. Once a consensus on a minimum program is established, it will be easier to have different Fanos – small and large – coalesce around it. It will also open the door for a broader coalition with other movements in other tribal lands.

This has been my publicly expressed view in numerous articles and interviews with many social media outlets. In what way does this serve “as a mouthpiece for the monstrous autocrat [Abiy Ahmed] and advance the Oromummaa agenda?” ዶክተር ብሩክ ለማ ዝም ብሎ እንሽላሊት እና እን ቁራሪት ሲያባርር ቢውል ይሻለው ነበር። Politics is a complex topic outside the boundaries of his pay grade.



9 thoughts on “Why is Fano Stronger in Gojam Compared to Other Amhara Regions?”

  1. ዶ/ር ዮናስ፦ የፅሁፍዎ አብዛኛው ክፍል ለሌሎች ሰዎች ትችት የተሰጠ ምላሽ ስለሆነ በሱ ላይ ማተኮሩ አስፈላጊ አይደለም – የሁሉንም ሃሳብ በሃሳብነቱ ወስዶ መመርመር አስፈላጊ ስለሆነ አሸናፊ እና ተሸናፊ ማነው የሚል ተራ ነገር ውስጥ መግባት አልፈልግም። በርሶ በኩል የሚቀርቡ ብዙ ጥሩ ጥሩ ሃሳቦች እንዳሉ ሁሉ ድክመትም ይኖርብዎታል። ሌሎችም እንደዛው ናቸው። የሚያሳዝነው በዋናው መሠረታዊ በሆነው የፍትህ፣ የነፃነት እና የህግ-የበላይነት ዓላማ ላይ ተመሳሳይ አቋም ያላቸው ምሁራን በአካሄድ ላይ ልዩነት ስላላቸው ብቻ ከጨዋነት (በተለይ ከምሁራዊ የተለመደ ባህል) ወርደው ሲዘላለፉ ማየት ያሳዝናል። ጉዳያችን ከሃሳብ ጋር ከሆነ የሌላውን ሰው ሙያ ወይም የግል ህይወት ሳይቀር አንስቶ መዘላለፍ ማንንም አይጥቅምም። የሃሳባችንን ቅንነት ጥያቄ ውስጥ ይከታል፣ ህዝብን ተሥፋ ያስቆርጣል፣ ስብዕናችንንም ያወርዳል።
    በፅሁፍዎ መጨረሻ – በወሎ፣ በጎንደር እና በሸዋ ያለው የፋኖ እንቅስቃሴ እንደ ጎጃሙ ጠንካራ ያልሆነው እነዚህ አካባቢዎች የሚኖረው ህዝብ በሃይማኖት እና በብሄር የተለያዩ ስለሆኑ ነው፤ በተለይ የጎጃምን ሃይማኖታዊ ወጥነት – ምክንያቱም የሙስሊሙ ህብረተ-ሰብ ከፖለቲካ የተገለለ በመሆኑ እና የኦርቶዶክስ ዕምነት እምብርት ስለሆነ ነው የሚል ነው። ይህ አመለካከት ብዙ ሥህተቶች ያሉት ብቻ ሳይሆን እርሶ ራስዎ የሚመኙትን በጎ ነገር የሚጎዳ (ትግሉን የሚጎዳ) ይመስለኛል። ምክንያቶቼን ላስቀምጥ
    1) የፋኖ ትግል ወይም አደረጃጀት በመሰረቱ አማራነት ነው። አማራው -እርሶም ሁልጊዜ እንደሚጠቅሱት -ለዚህ የበቃው ስለመረረው እና የህልውና ጉዳይ ስለሆነበት ነው። አማራነት ደግሞ ዕምነትን ተከትሎ የሚሰመር መሥመር አይደለም። በወለጋ የተጨፈጨፉት እና የተፈናቀሉት አብዛኞቹ ከወሎ በሠፈራ የሄዱ እና በዕምነታቸው ሙስሊም፣ በብሄራቸው ግን አማራ የሆኑ ናቸው። ሙስሊምነትም አማራነትም ከወለጋ ጭፍጨፋ አላዳናቸውም። ስለዚህ አንድ የወሎ ወይም የጎንደር ወይም የሸዋ አማራ ሙስሊምነቱ በራሱ የፋኖ ትግል እንዳይሳካ ምክንያት የሚሆንበት ምክንያት አይታየኝም። እንዲያውም የወሎ ሙስሊም አማራ የበደሉ ገፍ ቀማሽ በመሆኑ ለፋኖ ትግል መፋፋም አንዱ ዋና ምክንያት ነው። ይህንን ደግሞ እዛው ያሉበት ሠፈራ ጣቢያዎች ሄደን አይተናል። ለዚህም ነው ፋኖን በአመራር ደረጃ የተቀላቀሉ በጣም ብዙ ሙስሊሞችን የምናየው። በነገራችን ላይ በጎንደር ሙስሊሞች ተጠቁ ሲባል የአርሲው፣ የባሌው፣ የሐረርጌው እና በከፊል የሸዋው ሙስሊም አደባባይ ሲወጣ እና ሲጮህ-ከዛም አልፎ በበቀል ቤ/ክርስቲያናትን ሲያቃጥል መነሻው ጉዳዩ የተፈፀመው አማራ ክልል ውስጥ ስለነበረ ነው፤ የወሎ ሙስሊሞች በወለጋ ሲጨፈጨፉ ግን ወንጀሉ የተፈፀመው በኦሮሚያ ስለሆነ፣ ሰዎቹም አማሮች ስለሆኑ የሃይማኖት ወንድማማችነቱ አልታየም።
    2) የባህር ዳር ከተማ የሚገኘው ጎጃም ውስጥ ነው። ባህርዳር የብዙ ዕምነቶች እና ብሄሮች የሚኖሩባት ከተማ ናት። በከተማው የሚኖረው የሙስሊም ቁጠር ድርሻ (በ ፐርሰንት ሲታይ) ጎንደር ከተማ ካለው ሙስሊም ጋር ሲወዳደር ትንሽ አነስ ሊል ይችላል ግን ተቀራራቢ ነው (የ 2007 የህዝብ ቆጠራ እንደሚያሳየው)። ከባህር ዳርም ውጭ – ለምሳሌ ቡሬ – አንድ ወቅት አንድ መስጊድ በፅንፈኞች ሲጠቃ ምን ያህል የሙስሊሙ ህዝብ ከክርስቲያን ወገኑ ጋር በመሆን እንደተነቃነቀ አይተናል። ስለዚህ ሙስሊሙ ከፖለቲካ/ሃይል የተገለለ አድርጎ ማየቱ አደገኛ አመለካከት ብቻ ሳይሆን ክርክርን ለማሳመር ብቻ የገባ ነው የሚመስለው
    3) በሸዋ የሚታየው አንድ መሠረታዊ የፋኖ ችግር – በሁለት የፋኖ ቡድኖች ወይም አመራሮች መሃከል የነበረ ክፍፍል ሆኖ ቆይቷል። ሁለቱ ተፎካካሪ የሆኑት መሪዎች ደግሞ በዕምነታቸው አማራ ክርስቲያኖች ናቸው። ስለዚህ ዋና ተብሎ ሲጠቀስ የነበረው ችግር ምክንያቱ ሃይማኖታዊ ወይም የብሄር ጉዳይ አይደለም – የአካሄድ እና የቡድናዊነት ሽኩቻ ነው የሚመስለው። ያም ሆኖ በሸዋ ውስጥ ያለው የፋኖ እንቅስቃሴ ከጎጃሙ ባልተናነሰ ክፍተኛ ጀግንነት የታየበት እና መንግሥትን ያስጨነቀ ሆኖ ነው የምናገኘው። የጎጃም ፋኖ ባህርዳር ገብቶ ነበር -በኋል ለቋል፤ የሸዋውም ፋኖ ደ/ብርሃን ገብቶ ነበር-በኋላ ለቋል፤ የጎጃሙ ፋኖ ሌሎች አነስ አነስ ያሉ ከተሞችን እና ወረዳዎችን ተቆጣጥሯል፤ የሸዋም ሸዋ ሮቢት፣ አጣዬን፣ አንፆኪያን በተለያዩ ጊዜ ሲይዝ ታይቷል፤ በውጊያም በጣም እየተዋጋ ነው።
    በብዙ መድረኮች እንዳየነው እርሶ የፋኖ ትግል እንዲሳካ 2 መሰረታዊ ጉዳዮች መሟላት አለባቸው ይላሉ – አንዱ የጠራ የፖለቲካ አመራር እና ፍኖተ-ካርታ፤ ሌላው ደግሞ ከሌሎች የህ/ሰብ ክፍሎች ጋር ቅንጅት መፍጠር። እነዚህ ሁለት ሃሳቦች እንደ ሃሳብ ትክክል ናቸው። ነገር ግን እነዚህ ሁለት ጉዳዮች አለመሟላታቸው “የፋኖ ትግል ባለበት እንዲቆም ወይም እንዲዳከም አድርጎታል” ወደሚል ሥሜት የወሰድዎ ይመስላል። ምናልባትም ውጤት በፍጥነት ለማየት (የመንግሥት ለውጥ) ካለዎት ምኞት/ጉጉት ሊሆን ይችላል። አዎ የፋኖ ትግል ወደ መንግሥት መቀየር እና አገርን ወደ ብጥብጥ ሳይሆን ወደ ተረጋጋ ፖለቲካ የሚያመራ እንዲሆን ከተፈለገ እነዚህ መሟላት አለባቸው። ችግሩ ግን እንኳን የፋኖ ትግል የአማራ ብሄረተኝነት ራሱ በኢትዮጵያዊ አጀንዳ ላይ ተንጠልጥሎ የኖረ፣ አሁን ገና እንደ ህፃን ልጅ እየተውተረተረ ያለ እንቅስቃሴ ነው። ካሁን በፊት ያሉት (ፕ/ር አሥራትም ሆኑ አብን) ጥቂት ተከታዮችን ያገኘ -ጥርስ የሌለው እንቅስቃሴ ነበር። የፋኖ ትግል የቆየ ብሶት የወለደው ይሁን እንጂ የፈነዳው በቅርቡ ነው። ሲፈነዳም “ጠመንጃ አልሰጥም” “አሞትም” ብሎ ነው እንጂ የኢትዮጵያን ፖለቲካ በሚገባ ተንትኖ፣ የሃሳብ ልዩነቶችን አስወግዶ፣ አንድ ዕዝ ወይም ፓርቲ ፈጥሮ አይደለም። በሌላ አነጋገር እርሶ የሚፈልጉት ውጤት ላይ ለመድረስ የሚደረገውን ጉዞ እየተጓዘ ነው። ፋኖን ልዩ የሚያደርገው ጥርስ አለው። ጥርሱም ብዙ የፖለቲካ ተፅዕኖ እየፈጠረ ነው። አሁን ባለበት ደረጃም እንቅስቃሴው እንደ አማራ ነው። ነገር ግን ከጥቂት ዘባራቂዎች ፀያፍ አነጋገር ውጪ ፋኖ በመሠረቱ ሌላውን ሲያንቋሽሽ ወይም ኢትዮጵያዊነቱን ሲክድ አይታይም። አማራ በተጠላው ልክ እና በደረሰበት በደል አንፃር ሲታይ ፋኖ እጅግ ታጋሽ፣ የበሰለ፣ ሚዛናዊ እና የሌሎች ብሄሮች ጭቁኖች እንዲተባበሯቸው ጥሪ የሚያደርግ ሆኖ ነው የሚታየው። ይህንን በአጭር ጊዜ በወታደራዊም ሆነ በፖለቲካው መሥክ ውጤት ያመጣ ትግል አለማድነቅ አይቻልም። “የፋኖ እንቅስቃሴ ሞቷል፣ ፋኖ ባለበት ቆሟል፤ ፋኖ የትም አይደርስም ወዘተ” የሚሉ እና ካዛም አልፎ ትግሉን ይበልጥ ሊከፋፍሉ እና ሊያዳክሙ የሚችሉ ንግግሮች የጊዜን ዋጋ ያልተረዱ ናቸው። የዛኑ ያህል “ፋኖ ነገ አዲሳባ ይገባል፣ ዐቢይ አልቆለታል፣ ወዘተ” የሚሉም የትግሉን ከባድነት ያልተረዱ ናቸው። የሚሻለው – ጊዜ በፈቀደ መጠን – የመሬቱን ትግል እያፋፋሙ- በድርጅት ደረጃ ደግሞ አላማን፣ አመራርን እና ስትራቴጂን ማጥራት ያስፈልጋል። አሁን ያለው ሂደቱ ራሱ ውጤታማ ነው -የሚያበረታታ እንጂ ተሥፋ የሚያስቆርጥ አይደለም እና። አማራ እኮ ድምፁ በውጭው አለም ሳይቀር መሰማት የጀመረው በፋኖ ምክንያት ነው (ከዛ በፊትማ ማን ሰምቶት?)! ባለሥልጣናቱ በጥፍራቸው የቆሙት እና በየመድረኩ አማራን እንደ ብሄር መሳደብ/ማንቋሸሽ የቀነሱት በፋኖ ነው -ምክንያቱም የሚያውቁት ጉልበት ብቻ ስለሆነ፤ ፋኖም ተቀባይነት እያገኘ በመመጣቱ።
    ዶ/ር ዮናስ፦ እርሶ ብዙ ጠቃሚ ሃሳቦችን ያቀርባሉ። ለአገርዎም ቅን ሃሳብ ያሎት ይመስለኛል። ሃሳብዎንም በግልፅ ያቀርባሉ። ነገር-ግን አስፈላጊ ያልሆነ እልህ ውስጥ ስለሚገቡ እና የሃሳብ ተቀናቃኝ የሆኑ ሰዎችን ለመድፈቅ ባለዎት ፍላጎት ችኩል የሆኑ ድምዳሜዎች እና ውንጀላዎች ውስጥ ይገቡና ጠቃሚ የሆነ ሃሳብዎን እንዳንከተል ያደርጉናል። እርሶ በግልፅነት ያምናሉ። ግልፅነት ሲባል ግን -ውጤት እስከፈለግን ድረስ – በህሊናችን ገደብ ልናበጅለት ይገባል። ምሁራዊ ትንተና ግልፅ መሆን አለበት። ግን ይህ ትንተና የተዋናዮችን ሥም እየጠራ እና የነሱ ቁሻሻ ነው (dirty linen) ብሎ ያሰበውን ሁሉ (እውነትም ይሁን ውሸት) በየ አደባባዩ እያወጣ የሚናገር ከሆነ ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናል። ትግልን ይጎዳል፣ መከፋፈልን ያበዛል፣ የራስንም ተከታይ ሞራል ይነካል። ሌሎች ሰዎች ጨዋነት ጎድሏቸው እርሶን ከሰደብዎት፣ እራሳቸውን እንደሰደቡ ይቁጠሩት። ጭቃ ውስጥ ገብተው እንዲጫወቱ ሲጋበዙ ዕምቢ ማለትን ይማሩ። ንቀው ማለፍ አለብዎት። በተጨማሪም፣ ሁሉም ሃሳብ ሊኖረው ይችላል። እንድ ፕሮፌሰር ከተማሪው ለመማር መዘጋጀት አለበት። እንኳን ከተማሪው መንገድ ላይ ጫማ ከሚጠርግ ወጣት ሊማር ይችላል። ምሁራን ይህንን መመሪያቸው ሊያደርጉ ይገባል። አንድ ምሁር የሚሞተው አውቄ ጨርሻለሁ ያለ ዕለት ነው።
    ባዩ ነኝ -ከቶሮንቶ

  2. Waaawww, what an incridible insight. ኮሶ ቢመርም ይሽራል፣ I completly agree with your article. Keep it up Dr Yonas.

  3. Yonas birru , Abiy Ahmad’s lapdog even talks like him. A pseudo intellectual seeking attention at the wrong place.

  4. Dr. Biru, I think your exceptional wisdom won’t match with Ethiopian intellectual with no stance, knowledge and expertise. You and I know that leave alone the ordinary people even the intellectuals lack the wisdom to understand your level of your professional expertise on Global Economics and Politics. I like how you define and tell those Intellectuals who are confusing the people with their titles and act as if they have the political know-how to lead the society out of this crisis of no match. Please define then በአማርኛ so they will understand who they are. ልክ አስገባቸውማ!

  5. Shaleqa Dawit is a man of extraordinary talent. He is a law graduate from a renowned university in the USA and has worked in Ethiopia and Africa in various capacities, establishing connections with high-level government officials worldwide. He is the one person who can effectively engage with heads of states. Recognizing his potential, Eskider appointed Shaleqa to lead the foreign affairs of APF. Kudos to Eskider for his foresight. Individuals like Yonas recognize Shaleqa Dawit’s abilities, which is why they have targeted him to either manipulate or halt the Amhara revolution. This is evident in their attempts to discredit the respected politician-turned-lawyer. Despite the challenges, Shaleqa will not succumb to such pressures.

    1. I really like this article except those unnecessary words or paragraphs about Dr Bruke Lemma. You have the ability and knowledge to engage in the discussion without disparaging his credibility. I have seen so many medical doctors, engineers and so on involved in politics and became effective leaders. I have also witnessed so many dishonest and incompetent politicians who have had political Science degrees! Regardless, your point about the divisive role of the Front leaderships is true and well documented. Your argument about Fano without political leadership can not be successful is understandable and timing too. Dr Yonas, please concentrate to the political arguments than personalities! You are making you relevant and timing article irrelevant by adding unnecessary staff. You should also write in Amharic so the article can circulate in all Ethiopian communities inside and outside of the country!

  6. Dr. Yonas, what is he purpose of the article? Is it to show that you can write on any topic even when there is no serious purpose, like here, or to advance some sinister personal objective or to promote some mercenary assignment? You are trying to show one region is stronger than the other, but have you considered all the variables in all four regions that contribute to field strength, as you put it, or is your training such that validity of fair comparisons has no meaning? . I am afraid you have some diabolical objective which is totally negative in its make-up. You need to be more responsible !

  7. አዘጋጅ፦
    ጥቁሩን ጥቁር፣ ነጩን ነጭ የሚል አስተያየት የምትወድ አይመስልም። ትላንት የጽፍኋት አጭር አተያየት ዮናስ ከፋፋይ፣ መንደርተኛና በሃይማኖትም የሚነግድ ጭፍን አስተያየት በማቅረቡና በ “Why is Fano Stronger in Gojam Compared to Other Amhara Regions?” ዓላማውም ለመገንባት ሳይሆን ለማፍረስ ስለሆነ ነበር አደገኛና ሰይጣናዊ ይዘት አለው ያልሁት ። ከሌሎች ጋር ያለው ልዩነት ጉዳየ አይደለም። ግን ሕዝብን መከፋፈል ለዛሬው ትርምስ ያበቁንን ወያኔንና ብልፅግናን ማድነቅ ነው። እኔ ከሁሉም አማራና ከሌላም እወለዳለሁ።

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