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Oromo’s War Against Amhara is Guided Neither by Political nor Military Strategy

ኦሮሞ ታሟል

Yonas Biru, PhD

The purpose of this article is to enter the blind spot of the Oromo social psychology and converse with the demons that have turned its politics savage in its violence, virulent in its outlook, and self-destructive in its practice. What Ethiopians and the world at large are witnessing is the Oromo political class degrading and destroying the very government whose political levers of power it controls.

In 1993, Bill Clinton won the presidency of the United States by wrapping his campaign around one phrase:

“It is the Economy, Stupid!”. The message? America’s political ills could be cured with economic pills.

The Oromo reality can be encapsulated with “It is the Psychology, Stupid!” The Oromo suffers from self-inflicted psychological trauma. Its 50-year victimhood politics has made it unable to break out of victim mentality and adopt a frame of mind befitting the solemnity of leading a nation as a governing body.

We cannot address the root cause of the problem until we are ready to put political correctness aside. We must do so in the interest of salvaging the Oromo soul from the clutches of the evil spirits of the past.

 

The Evils of Oromo Psychological Horror

Ethiopia has never seen the brand of brutality manifested by the Oromo-led government in its modern history. Stop and watch this video. Look also at this and this as well. Pictures are also important.

The first picture shows rounded up people waiting to be processed in a concentration camp. The second picture shows a small fraction of the nearly one million Amharas who were forcefully evicted out of the Oromo tribal and. They include pregnant women and elders who could hardly walk. The third picture shows a camp in the Oromo tribal land where tuberculosis and diarrhea has claimed countless Amhara lives. The children in the fourth frame ranging from 12 to 14 years old are waiting to be transported to children’s concentration camps in the Oromo tribal land.

Look at this video also. An Amhara Orthodox priest is being paraded on the streets of Oromo with dead chicken hanging on his neck. The crowd is shouting “hung him”. The crime is deep rooted in the Oromo political class that accuses the Orthodox Church of being a voodoo religion; hence the dead black chicken they hanged on his neck. The perpetrators are ordinary Oromos from different walks of life. You must also look at the pictures below, showing innocent Amharas in concentration camps in the Oromo Tribal land.

Below prisoners are being treated for tuberculosis in a makeshift concentration camp and a grieving child left homeless on the street.

Where does such a level of barbarism that does not even spare children, pregnant women and sick elders come from? How can people be cruel for the sake of being cruel? The root cause is the venomous narrative of the Oromo political class that “The Ethiopian colonial terrorism and genocide that started during the last decades of the 19th century still continues in the 21st century.

In revenge and vengeance, the Oromo are primed for retribution with unquenchable thirsty for blood. Only the Oromo psyche that has been poisoned with constant flow of venomous lies over a span

of 50 years and a statute of severed breast can undertake such a level of cruelty. Only the Oromo psyche with damaged social psychology can comfortably hide behind a “hear-no-evil and see-no-evil” political position under such inhuman circumstances. Do not try to find a political solution for this. It is the Psychology, Stupid.

 

ኦሮሞ ታሟል: It is the Psychology Stupid

One pregnant phrase defines the Oromo political problem as described by the Godfather of Oromummaa, Asafa Jalata: Deep Rooted “Psychological Inferiority.” Many Oromo intellectuals not only share the sentiment but also peddle it in their articles.

The Oromummaa literature stands on three legs in the order they are listed: Fist comes psychological liberation, followed by Oromo unity, and leading to self-determination. According to Jalata, Oromo psychological liberation requires “fighting against the Oromo external oppressor and the internalized oppressive values.”

Stripped of their sociological jargon, what their books and articles tell us is that consciously or unconsciously Oromo is a psychologically damaged good. In this regard, Jalata argues, Oromo intellectuals “have not yet achieved psychological liberation, they consciously or unconsciously prefer to work for their colonial masters rather than promoting the Oromo liberation project.”

Jalata identifies the main problem to be “low level of political consciousness and an imposed inferiority complex…” As a result, he argues “Ethiopianism replaced Oromummaa.” The solution, he believes, is to reverse this phenomenon. Oromummaa must replace Ethiopianism.

The savagery we are witnessing is a result of Jawar Mohammed’s “Ethiopia out of Oromia” doctrine and Asafa Jalata’s political theology of replacing Ethiopia by Oromummaa. To date, there is no Oromo voice of any significance in volume or scope opposing the war against the Amhara. Whether Oromo is malfeasant or nonfeasant may be of interest in legal jurisdiction. Morally, there is little to no difference between malfeasant and nonfeasant Oromos.

Oromos who oppose the diabolical savagery committed in the name of Oromo are rare exceptions – few and far between. There is a reason. When the crime is attributed to a narrow group of Oromo elites, it is easy to take a cowardly position of disassociating oneself from the crime. When the crime is attributed to Oromo as a society as it should be, the political calculus changes both at the individual and societal level.

 

Morally Malnourished Leadership Borne Out of a Psychologically Damaged Political Class

As part of Oromoization of Ethiopia, the Oromo President said the “Prosperity Party is built in such a way to advance the interest of Oromo. The head of the Party will always be an Oromo…” A detailed strategic plan is provided in a report titled “We Need Modern Version of the OLF With High Confidence Politics of Haile Fida!.” Here is how it is described: “The aim of an independent Gadaa Oromia is Oromo politics of the past… We surely will move to the level of high confidence in order to own the whole Ethiopia…” [This document has been removed from the internet after I brought it to light in my earlier article.]

What makes the Oromo leadership worse is its insistence to resurrect the Gedaa traditional social, economic, political, and military governing system form the 16th century and reintroduce it in current Ethiopia. The Oromo President is on the record, saying “the Future of Ethiopia” is Gedaa.

Allow me to reintroduce you to Mogassa the military organ of Gedaa as seen in the eyes of foreign writers. Here is what C. F. Rey published in 1924 on Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol.23, No. 90. His article was titled “The Arussi and the Other [Oromo] of Abyssinia.” The term he used was the “G” word, which I replaced with Oromo.

“It must be borne in mind that they are and have been for nearly four hundred years, invaders on strange soil… Their methods of warfare were cruel even for that age, and it was they who introduced the horrible practice mutilating the dead, and even the wounded and prisoners.”

 

Pedro Paez added:

“The Oromo slaughtered many people and carried out extraordinary cruelties, because they cut to pieces the men and many of the boys and girls that they seized, and they opened up pregnant women with their spearheads and pulled the babies out of their wombs. The people of that land therefore came to fear them so much that nobody dared resist them.”

It is this system that today’s Oromo political class wishes to reintroduce in Ethiopia. It is this level of cruelty that modern-day is committing against Amhara children, pregnant women, and elders. Gedaa is embraced by an overwhelming majority of Oromo and Mogassa is touted as a revered heritage that the people of Oromo take pride in.

Beyond the Mogassa-grade savagery that we are witnessing, the result has been economic, political and law and order collapse. Professor Derese Kassa (@nestaneth), who just returned from Ethiopia, tweeted 14 observations. Let me share three of them.

 

  • The loss of law and order and the level of insecurity in the nation is staggering. Kidnappings, detentions, torture, and killings by state actors, by rebels and criminal syndicates have hit the rooftop.

 

  • The level of corruption by government officials and the extent of state capture is unprecedented. Business owners are asked to pay bribes in millions, or they will be subject to inexorable fake taxes. Ministers have a coterie of concubines who also broker kickbacks

 

  • The middle class is no more. Civil servants, teachers, doctors, and engineers are now reduced to the underclass. It’s heartbreaking to see our former educators wait for handouts and alms from relatives and kinfolk abroad.

Dr. Hangaasa Ibrahim (a member of the National Parliamentarian representing the Oromo tribal land) and Taye Dandea (State Minister of Peace) are on the record, accusing the government of the Oromo tribal land of rampant corruption. They both expressed fear for their lives for speaking up. Taye went further referring to high-level Oromo party and government officials as “mafia groups.

On May 27, Taye went further on his official Facebook page: “Everybody knows what happened in the outskirts of Finfinne (Addis Ababa), over the last four years. Who stole the land in the name of Oromo farmers? Who sold the land of the Tulema and used the money to tip millions of dollars to prostitutes?

A widely circulating rumor has it that the Prime Minister’s concubines are the most sought-after business brokers, wealth arbiters, and government appointment traffickers.

Small wonder why Jawar Mohammed (the self-acclaimed “inventor of the Oromo political calculator”) felt obliged to wonder aloud in his published manifesto if the claim that “Oromo is incapable of leading the country” has merits.

 

Silence in the Face of Genocidal Threat is a Generational Moral Tragedy of Epic Proportions!

The narrative that the problem is with the Oromo elite is an epitomic adoption of the proverbial ostrich strategy when faced with danger.

The head of an Oromo delegation who, recently, spoke at the Mekele Stadium was not shy to announce Gedaa elders were a willful part of the war campaign against the Amhara. He publicly announced that the delegation he led at the behest of the Oromo President included Gedaa elders. In his speech, he proposed Oromo and Tigray must join forces to fight the Amhara.

Members of the Oromo Gedaa who often mediate when Oromo factions fight against each other are active supporters of the war against Amhara. To date, neither he Aba Gedaas who were in attendance during the Mekele speech, nor the leader of the broader Gedaa establishment has condemned the speech.

Above all, a large swath of the Oromo society is willfully oblivious to the savage atrocities committed in the name of Oromo. They were quite when the Voice of America reported close to a million Amhara were forcefully evicted from the Oromo region. They were silent when Amhara are hunted like animals and slaughtered in thousands in the Oromo region.

They remained silent, despite a public warning by one of Prime Minister’s Senior Advisors that Ethiopia is at a juncture similar to that of Rwanda when it found itself at the dawn of genocide. The question of “genocide again whom” was answered in the Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention’s Red Flag Alert that warned The Amhara are in a perilous discursive position that could easily devolve into genocide.

 

The Oromo Culture of Betrayal

During the Emperor Haile Selassie era (an era that Oromo elites and laymen alike lament to be an Amhara government) the revolutionary campaigns of “land for the tiller” and “the rights of nations and nationalities” were led by Amhara and Tigray university students. The “rights of nations and nationalities” doctrine that the Oromo political class swears by is authored by an Amhara. Many Amhara revolutionaries have died advancing several campaigns whose primary beneficiaries were Oromos in the eyes of the revolutionaries.

More recently, the Amhara unanimously voted in the national Parliament to elevate an Oromo candidate to the prime ministership position.

Today, as the Oromo-led government unleashes a Mogassa-brand savagery on the Amhara, the Oromo public is either taking part, cheering on from the sideline or in a radio silent mode.

When we see Aba Gedaas travel to Tigray to form a military pact with Tigray against the Amhara, we cannot insist the problem is the elite class. When we see rank-and-file street police officers slapping an Orthodox priest or beating an Islamic Imam, we cannot say it is the Oromo elite gone amok. When Oromo Street gagsters harass people speaking Amharic or wearing cloth with the Ethiopian flag, we cannot designate them as Oromo elites. When civilian Oromos take part in the demolitions of Amhara houses and forcefully evict Amhara people, we cannot insist that they are part of the Oromo elite class.

Above all, the deafening silence of the majority of Oromos including those who often throw the worn-out cliché “my best friends are Amhara” cannot be wished away. Silence in the face of injustice is complicity. Silence in the face of crime against humanity that is creeping toward and bordering on genocide is beyond complicity. It is a generational moral tragedy of epic proportions!

There is a reason why the German government issued an official apology to the Holocaust victims in the name of all Germans. They did so because the Nazi crime was committed in the name of building Greater Germany and the people of Germany failed to speak up and defend the victims of the Nazi regime.

The Oromo regime is aspiring to build Greater Oromia on the ashes of Ethiopia. Oromo cannot escape historical responsibility for its deafening silence while an Oromo-led political class and Oromos from every walk of life commit crime against humanity in its name.

 

Yes, the War is Between Oromo and Amhara

Let me repeat and highlight. The perpetrator in the current war is Oromo, and the victim is Amhara. Reducing the people-to-people war to an elite-to-elite conflict will undermine the seriousness of the problem and sustains it beyond its expiration date.

The Prime Minister is using the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) as a façade in his pursuit of an Oromo war against Amhara. Let us not forget that 74% percent of the people of Oromo who were eligible to vote took part in the 2021 elections. A staggering percentage (over 95%) of them voted for Oromo-PP, despite Oromo opposition party’s call to boycott the election and Oromo-Shene’s threat to blow them if they dared to come to the election stations.

There is a pregnant question that imposes itself on the people of Oromo. If they manifested bravery and valor to vote ignoring Oromo-Shene’s bomb threat, why are they silent when the government they voted into office commits savagery against the Amhara without so much as a blink?

The war between Amhara and Oromo is no different from the war between Amhara and Tigray. The people of Amhara were supporting the war against Tigray, preparing food, and contributing money. Amhara religious leaders were encouraging their congregation to dust up their rifles and hatchets and join the war. Housewives were feeding both Fanno and the Ethiopian army. Every facet of the community from shoe-shiners to farmers and merchants small and large was a part of the war. Musicians were singing war songs and artists were glorifying the war with poems and paintings.

Members of the Amhara diaspora community were providing financial and moral support. They were also engaged in diplomatic አቱቶ ቡቱቶ with their misguided #NoMore አንከስ ፈንደንስ street dance, while blasting Mehari Degefaw’s war song ግጠም አለኝ. They knew Tigray was bleeding – children, pregnant as well as nursing women and elders were suffering. Yet, they were pushing for more war, while dancing with Menbere Mengistu’s war song መች ተነካና ያሸዋል ገና.

e was true with the people of Tigray. Members of the Ethiopian Defense Forces who hailed from Tigray betrayed their oath to defend the Ethiopian Constitution and joined the TDF and TPLF war. Tigrayan university professors and students alike joined the TDF and TPLF military establishment.

The Tigrayan diaspora contributed millions to the war front and became TPLF’s geopolitical street diplomats. They performed street shows alternating between public grieving and victory dancing. One day they did their signature protest, including ደም ተቀብቶ አስፋልት ላይ እያለቀሱ መንከባለል. The next day, they performed Tigrayan victory dance with ከበሮ, ፊሽካ and all, as they salivated to enter Addis Ababa in victory.

Every Tigrayan was behind the war lock, stock, and barrel.

Par for the Tigrayan political culture, Tigrayan bishops who publicly and vocally supported TPLF and TDF, divorced their region from the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), accusing the Ethiopian Church of supporting the war’s atrocities against the people of Tigray.

In sum, to say the war was between TPLF/TDF vs. ENDF/Fano/Eritrea is to willfully deceive ourselves. The same is true with the Amhara and Oromo war. It is a war the Oromo waged against the people of Amhara. The Amhara are defending themselves as people, not as elite forces. That is why the people are supporting Fanno warriors.

 

Oromo’s Targets are the Amhara Masses, Not Amhara Political Elites

Let us focus on the last 30 years, since tribalism became the sacred principle and foundational creed of the Ethiopian Constitution. As a matter of political narrative, neither Tigray nor Oromo political leaders publicly accuse(d) the Amhara masses. Their political narrative targets Amhara elites, whom they brand as ነፍጠኛ (war monger), ትምክህተኛ (arrogant with a superiority complex), and/or ጽንፈኛ (extremist).

In practice, their victims are always the Amhara masses. The thousands of people that Oromo-Shene murdered and continues to murder are not Amhara elites. They are very poor members of the Amhara masses. When Shimelis Abdisa said our enemies know what our intentions are with Sheger City, the enemies he targeted his wrath at were not the Amhara elite. They were the Amhara masses.

When the Oromo government and Oromo-Shene forcefully displaced nearly one million people, the victims were not Amhara elites but the Amhara masses. When Abiy, Adanech and Shimeles deny Amharas from entering Addis Ababa, it was the masses that they targeted, including poor framers, hard-working merchants, the sick who needed treatment in the nation’s primary hospitals. Their targets were not the Amhara elites.

When TPLF and OLF used population census in 1994 to statistically depopulate Amhara by three to four million, the target was not the Amhara elite, but the Amhara masses. During the 1984 census under Mengistu, the Amhara accounted for over 28.3% of the total population of Ethiopia. The corresponding figure for Oromo was 29.1%.

In 2023, Oromo accounts for 34%, a 17% increase from 1984. In contrast, in 2023, Amhara accounts for 22%, a 29% decrease from 1984. This is a crime against the Amhara masses with systemic voting rights disenfranchisement. Amhara’s allocation of seats in the national parliament is far less than what they are entitled to per their true population size.

It also has significant budgetary implications. In the 2023-24 fiscal year, the federal government distributed budgetary support to the tribal homelands according to their population. The Oromo tribal land got 34% of the federal budgetary subsidy and Amhara got 22%. This denies the Amhara tribal land badly needed resources for school, hospitals, roads etc. The victims are the Amhara masses.

During the TPLF era. Amhara was the least developed region by any standard, road density, hospitals, schools, access to electric city, poverty rate etc. The data from international agencies, the World Bank, UN, Africa Development Bank leave no doubt about the favorable treatment of Tigray region and the targeted discriminatory treatment against the Amhara masses.

The Tigray political class did not isolate and target the so-called Amhara ነፍጠኛ, ትምክህተኛ, and/or ጽንፈኛ elite. Its target was the Amhara masses. The Oromo political class is doing the same with far more viciousness and cruelty that they have inherited from the Mogassa tradition.

Oromo-PP and TPLF were able to do such crimes using their tribal home as their power center. For years we were told TPLF is Tigray and Tigray is TPLF. The Oromo reality is a bit different in form, but not in substance. The Oromo people are OLF and OLF is the Oromo people. Oromo-Shene is the military wing of OLF. And OLF is widely embraced as “the Spirit of Oromo.” The phrase is coined by Jawar.

Oromo-Shene and the Oromo People’s Congress (the largest Oromo opposition party) may have different view from Oromo-PP. The difference is that Oromo-Shene and the Oromo People’s Congress want more of the anti-Amhara and anti-Ethiopia policies. Merera Gudina (the President of Oromo People’s Congress) is on the record promising to replace all non-Oromo statutes in Addis Ababa by Oromo statues.

 

Oromo’s War Against Amhara is Guided Neither by Political nor Military Strategy

Let us put the Oromo war against the Amhara aside and see if it makes political or military sense. It helps us to see the source of the war is psychological. First let us briefly discuss the difference between the war against Amhara and Tigray.

 

An Imperative Comparative Between the War Against Tigray and Amhara

The Tigray war was triggered by TPLF. First, the TPLF refused to allow Federal forces to move federal weapons out of Tigray that accounted for up to 70% of the ENDF’s firepower. Second, the TPLF shot first, killing members of the ENDF in their sleep and confiscating their weapons. Third, using the confiscated weapons as a leverage, TPLF demanded to form a transitional government.

The people of Ethiopia stood together against the TPLF. People from every region of the country provided logistical and moral support. News such as the following were staple to the daily news. ግንባር ለሚገኘው ጥምር ጦር 12 ላምና በሬ 112 በግና ፍየል በመደገፍ የምስራቅ ደምቢያ ወረዳ ማህበረሰብ የሗላ ደጀንነቱን አሳየ” and “ጦርነት ግንባር እየተፋለመ ላለው ጥምር ሃይላችን ዉሃ, ብስኩት, የእርድ በግና ፍየል መላክ መቻሉን የእንጅባራ ከተማ አስተዳደር ገለፀ.”

There is no such broad support to the current war against Amhara because the war was triggered by the Oromo-led government to subjugate the people of Amhara in pursuit of building Greater Oromia. The other tribal lands are facing similar atrocities and have no intention of supporting the Oromo criminal enterprise. After reading this the government may force them to send ላምና በሬ and በግና ፍየል.

The proverbial last straw that triggered the war in Amhara was the Oromo-led government’s decision to disarm the Amhara special forces and militia. The Interim Tigray President is on the record, stating he has 200,000 strong fighters and he has no intention of putting down small weapons such as rifles and Kalashnikov. The Oromo-led government did not go after Tigray but declared war against Amhara that has far less fighters than Tigray. To the contrary, the Oromo government sent a delegation to Mekele to form a military pact between Oromo and Tigray that will allow Tigrayans to use those weapons against Amhara.

 

 

Does the War Make Sense form a Political and Economic Strategy Perspective?

The Tigray war was devastating to the nation both in terms of human life and national treasure. The estimate for fatality ranges from 600,000 to a million, not counting the wounded and maimed. The number of children who are orphaned and adults who are widowed by the war remains unknown. It makes no sense to launch another war before the nation pulls itself halfway out of the abyss the war-torn country is sinking into.

The role of the governing party can be broadly classified into two fundamental duties: the protective state and the productive state. As a protective state its duty is protecting the human and civil rights of the people. This involves, among other things, mitigating conflicts, stabilizing the political system, and maintaining the legal and social order. Its role as productive state includes creating a conducive environment for business and building the economy.

To the contrary, the Oromo political class is instigating conflicts, destroying the economy, giving the Prime Minister’s and his Cabinet Minister’s concubines more power in economic decisions than line managers in the nation’s bureaucracy. Once again, what Ethiopians and the world at large are witnessing is the Oromo political class degrading and destroying the very government whose political levers of power it controls.

 

 

Building a Parade-Grade Army Without Soldiers

We must ask: Does the war make sense form a military strategy perspective? For 27 years, the TPLF built Ethiopia’s military in a way that served Tigray, putting the strategic, operational, intelligence and logistics

management under the tight control of Ethiopians of Tigrayan origin. When the TPLF started a war in November 2020, all Tigrayans either joined TPLF or were removed from their posts by the ENDF. The Ethiopian military was left without leadership structure. Ethiopia was building its military while fighting against TPLF and TDF.

During the war, the ENDF lost a large part of its midlevel military leaders and experienced rank and file fighters. After the Pretoria agreement, Ethiopia started rebuilding its military from the ground up.

The Amhara accounts for 30% of the population. This means Amhara soldiers are likely to constitute about 30% of the military, give or take a few percentage points. The military is the last bastion of the nation’s unity and security. The Oromo plan to wage war on Amhara has created tension and friction between Amhara members of the military and others.

Launching a war on Amhara did not sit well with the Amhara soldiers. According to the Ethiopian peace minister, 50% of the Amhara special forces deserted their duty and are believed to have joined the Fanno uprising. The government is fighting against Fanno using new recruits primarily from Oromo.

Furthermore, the military has duty to protect the rank-and-file personnel who are paying the ultimate sacrifice to defend their nation. The military has suffered more than any part of society under the current Prime Minister. Those who were wounded during the war with TPLF are begging on the streets.

The PM is focused on vanity projects to fan his fancy and feed his ego rather than addressing the needs of veterans and their families. Sadly, he has turned the Army as a vanity project. Ethiopia under Prime Minister Abiy and Field Marshal Berhanu Julla is building a parade-grade army without soldiers.

The military displays an impressive display in military pared but melts down in battle fields. This was the case in the Tigray was and now in the Amhara war. Many of them surrender with their armaments. Others desert their weapons and scatter like spooked birds. One thing you will admire, and respect is the beautiful colored hats. Credit must be given when credit is due to the Prime Minister.

It is impossible to explain the Oromo war against Amhara from a military strategy perspective other than the colorful hats. The purpose of the war was to forcefully disarm the Amhara. As it turned out it is the ENDF that is disarmed by Fanno, including their colorful hats. Today, Fanno is more armed than it was before the war.

Further, the solidarity in the resistance in the entire Amhara region and the increasingly fragile position of the military, leave only one viable explanation for the Oromo’s futile war against Amhara. It is the Psychology, Stupid.

 

The Mother of All Questions

I understand our Prime Minister has promised us to make Ethiopia one of the two super-powers in the world by 2050. He has gone as far as hiring a mole to spy on the United States of America. I mean if you have a vision to be a superpower you must know what the US is up to.

But we must still ask this: How can such a corrupt, incompetent, and psychologically damaged group survive for five years? The answer resides with Shene-Amhara at home and abroad. In the past I have called them useful idiots and that was putting it generously. I guess my Amhara part in me has some pity for them.

By the grace of God, the rise of the Fanno uprising has dominated the political bandwidth of late. There are grounds for optimism. The Fanno uprising has brought with it the seeds of a transformative change. Ethiopians must keep the lords of Shene Amhara at bay to give Fanno a room to breath. Fanno needs to build a broad-based Amhara and national coalition concurrently. That will not happen with the likes of Shaleka ወልደ-Ethio360 trying to hijack it.

Let me close by sharing with you a story. One of the brightest students in Ethiopia left the university and joined a “struggle for justice”. His phrase not mine. He suffered as he lived most of his life hiding from the government. He had passion for the people he was fighting for. In the meantime, his collegemates who were far lower in his university’s performance ranking scheme became top surgeons in America’s premier hospitals. Others became CEOs, and VPs in major corporations in America while he stayed behind in mountains and forests of Ethiopia often suffering from diseases and braving the vagaries of weather. I used to be one of his ardent critics. His followers were ruthless in reminding me I had no moral ground to criticize him. The man was Meles Zenawi, not Eskinder Nega. አትጃጃሉ ለማለት ያህል ነው

It took you three years to understand your #NoMore was an utter idiocy. How long is it going to take you to figure out Amhara-Shene is what has condemned Amhara to be leaderless. You may now rant until your face turns purplish yellow and synchronize your “Oromo-Phobia” and “Anti-Amhara” አቱቶ ቡቱቶ. ምን እግዚአብሄር የረገማቸው ናቸው በሶስቱ ስላሶች:: አደኛቸውን ሙአዘ አብይ እና ባባቱ-እምላለሁ-ኣባቴን-አስክዶኝ አል ማሪያም ይሻላሉ

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