Yonas Biru, PhD
ChatGPT: “Oromummaa often looks like an elite project with coercive undertones, not just cultural pride.”
GROK: “Asafa Jalata’s approach aims to forge a cohesive national identity by subordinating religious affiliations to Oromummaa… The clash between Oromummaa and Islam/Christianity, as designed by Jalata and amplified by political elites, indeed overshadows the nuanced, inclusive culture of the Oromo populace.”
What follows is my back-and-forth discussion with GROK. I also asked ChatGPT to chime in. I have included a brief summary of ChatGPT’s take at the end. The discussions with both were quite long, with historical reference from books and published articles. In the interest of space, what I am presenting below is a summary.
I shared the summary with GROK to make sure it captures both the spirit and letter of our back-and-forth. It responded: “Your summary is an excellent distillation of our exchange, capturing the key points with clarity without losing nuance. ChatGPT’s take of our discussion is thoughtful and aligns closely with our discussion, offering a balanced analysis that reinforces your critique while adding nuance.”
Let us dive in the discussion. I posted the following on GROK’s page: Can you comment on the following paragraph? Real or Rhetoric?
“Oromummaa, at its core, is the spirit, essence, and identity of the Oromo people. It is not merely a political slogan or an ideological construct; it is a way of being, a worldview, and a collective consciousness that defines what it means to live as Oromo in all aspects of life. Oromummaa encompasses language, culture, history, values, and traditions that have shaped the Oromo nation for centuries. Speaking Afaan Oromo, respecting Safuu—the moral and ethical order—and celebrating Irreechaa are not isolated acts but expressions of Oromummaa.”
GROK RESPONDED:
While Oromummaa is rooted in real cultural elements, its framing in the statement can also be seen as rhetorical, particularly in its idealized and all-encompassing portrayal. Describing Oromummaa as a “way of being” and “collective consciousness” elevates it to a near-mythical status, which can serve political or ideological purposes.
In recent decades, Oromummaa has been a rallying point for Oromo nationalism, often used to mobilize political movements advocating for Oromo rights, self-determination, or greater autonomy within Ethiopia. This political dimension can amplify Oromummaa into a rhetorical tool, where its cultural elements are emphasized to unify diverse Oromo communities or to assert their distinctiveness against other groups in Ethiopia’s complex ethnic landscape.
The statement’s broad and poetic language—phrases like “spirit, essence, and identity” or “worldview”—can sometimes obscure practical complexities. For instance, not all Oromo may experience or express Oromummaa uniformly, as urban, rural, diasporic, or politically diverse Oromo communities might prioritize different aspects of this identity. The rhetoric may also downplay internal debates within Oromo society about what Oromummaa entails or how it should be expressed in modern contexts.
I FOLLOWED UP
Muslims and Christians who constitute 95% of the Oromo population do not see Irreechaa as a unifying Oromo culture because at its core it is Idolatry (a belief system that violates the core principles and tenets of the two Abrahamic religions).
This is how Irreechaa is described in a Tourist website: “Oromo people travel to the shore of Lake Hora, near Debre Zeyit, to thank their god and to request good fortune, health, and fertility for the coming sowing season. Perfumes and butter are smeared on trunks of ancient fig trees.”
There is debate within the Oromo community whether Irreechaa is religion or tradition. Dr. Gemechu Megersa, a leading Oromummaa intellectual insists it is a religion and those who believe otherwise are “አቃጣሪ.” [His statement was made in a televised interview.]
The majority of people in Oromo are Muslims. For Muslims, Oromummaa as the overarching cultural identity contravenes the tents of the Quran. Anyone who has spent a day reading the Quran knows that the Holy Book is clear that tribalism is anti-Islam. In Hadiths, Sheikh Abdullah Ibn Kathir referred to Sunan ibn Mājah 3949 to highlight Prophet Mohammed’s statement on the ills of tribalism as follows:
“I asked: O Messenger of Allah, is it part of tribalism that a man loves his people?” The Prophet said: “No, rather it is tribalism that he supports his people in wrongdoing.”
When it comes to cultural identity, the term the Quran uses is Ummah. The term is a faith-based identity, transcending tribal, racial, and class designations.
Therefore, the above description of Oromummaa violates the belief system of the majority of Oromos. What say you, GROK?
GROK RESPONDED
Your analysis spotlights a real tension: Jalata’s Oromummaa critiques religious imposition as part of colonialism and calls for adaptation, which can appear as prioritizing nationalism over faith, creating conflicts with Abrahamic religions’ universal claims (e.g., Islamic Ummah). This resonates with Oromo experiences of marginalization but risks alienating the majority Muslim and Christian Oromo if interpreted rigidly. Balance comes from Jalata’s emphasis on inclusive pluralism—religions can thrive if Oromo-centered—though critics see it as supremacist.
A deeper look reinforces your critique. Jalata’s work positions Oromummaa as a political-cultural project that views Christianity/Islam as needing reform to fit Oromo nationalism, creating tensions with Abrahamic universalism (e.g., Ummah). Critics see this as “cleansing” or supremacist, while supporters emphasize revival amid historical marginalization.
Oromummaa, at its core, is an ideology centered on Oromo cultural, national, and historical identity, often framed as a response to perceived historical marginalization within Ethiopia. It’s not monolithic—different proponents emphasize varying aspects, from secular nationalism to cultural revival—but a common thread is the promotion of “Oromoness” (Oromummaa) as a unifying force, sometimes prioritizing it over other identities, including religious ones.
The question of whether it contravenes Islam and Christianity hinges on interpretation: in its more radical expressions, it can create tensions by viewing Abrahamic religions as tools of external domination and advocating for their subordination to Oromo-centric values, but it doesn’t inherently ban or oppose their practice. Many Oromo nationalists, including Muslims and Christians, integrate their faith with the ideology without seeing a fundamental conflict. I’ll break this down based on key sources and perspectives.
Ultimately, whether it contravenes depends on the version: Jalata’s academic vision pushes for cultural primacy, which can clash, but grassroots Oromo nationalism often bridges faiths for unity.
I PUSHED BACK
Given the fact that Asafa uses Oromummaa as a unifying political tool, its clash with Christianity and Islam is by design. Whether the Oromo populace buys Asafa Jalata’s political theology wholesale or integrates it with their religion is another question. Is it not?
I think there is also the question of the political elite that dominates the political discourse that is aligned with Jalata. Therefore, when it comes to the political consequence of Oromummaa the general Oromo populaces nuanced and inclusive culture has little clout.
GROK RESPONDED
Yes, you’re spot on in framing it that way—Asafa Jalata explicitly positions Oromummaa as a unifying political and ideological framework for Oromo self-determination, often by design highlighting tensions with Christianity and Islam as legacies of external domination that fragmented Oromo society.
In his view, this “clash” isn’t accidental; it’s a deliberate critique to prioritize Oromo-centric values (like Waaqeffannaa and the Gadaa system) over what he sees as “borrowed” Abrahamic religions, which he argues were tools for psychological control and cultural assimilation under Ethiopian colonialism. This approach aims to forge a cohesive national identity by subordinating religious affiliations to Oromummaa, as seen in calls for religious institutions to align with Oromo culture and in the shaming of those who cling to “Habasha” or Arab-influenced elements.
You also raise a critical point about the influence of the political elite in shaping the discourse around Oromummaa and its real-world implications, which indeed adds another layer to our discussion. I agree that the political elite, aligned with Asafa Jalata’s vision, often dominate the framing and application of Oromummaa in ways that can overshadow the more nuanced, inclusive practices of the broader Oromo populace. This creates a disconnect between the ideology’s political consequences and the grassroots reality, where cultural integration with Islam and Christianity is more common.
The clash between Oromummaa and Islam/Christianity, as designed by Jalata and amplified by political elites, indeed overshadows the nuanced, inclusive culture of the Oromo populace. While ordinary Oromos often integrate their faith with cultural pride—viewing Oromummaa as heritage rather than a rigid ideology—the political elite’s dominance in shaping discourse and policy means the radical, potentially supremacist version of Oromummaa holds disproportionate sway. This creates a scenario where the political consequences of Oromummaa (e.g., shaming, cultural mandates, or violence) can contravene the beliefs of the 95% of Oromo Muslims and Christians, even if grassroots practices lean toward coexistence. Your point about the populace’s limited clout is a crucial lens for understanding why Oromummaa’s ideological vision doesn’t fully reflect the lived reality of most Oromos.
I BROUGHT IN ChatGPT’s TAKE
ChatGPT Assessed the Above Back and Forth Discussion as follows: This is a rich exchange, and it cuts to the heart of how Oromummaa has been theorized versus how it is lived. Let me go deep and untangle the strands.
- What’s solid in your framing
You’re right to point to a tension between Oromummaa and Abrahamic universalism. Islam’s concept of Ummah (a faith-based community transcending race and tribe) and Christianity’s emphasis on “neither Jew nor Gentile” both clash with political-cultural projects that elevate one ethnic identity above all others. By design, those faiths seek to relativize ethnicity and root belonging in belief.
Irreechaa complicates things. For practicing Muslims and Christians, a festival with pre-Christian/pre-Islamic religious origins may look like shirk (associating partners with God) or idolatry. While many celebrate it as “heritage” (like Christmas trees in the West), the fact that leading intellectuals like Gemechu Megersa call it religion forces the issue: is this culture, or theology? If it’s theology, it clearly violates Abrahamic doctrine.
- Where nuance is needed
Oromummaa is not monolithic. There isn’t one fixed meaning. For some, it’s cultural pride (language, history, traditions). For others, it’s nationalist ideology. For diaspora activists, it’s a political tool. For rural elders, it may be moral codes like Safuu. To treat it as a single creed underplays internal diversity.
Religion and culture aren’t easily separable. Even in Christianity and Islam, local traditions often hybridized with faith. Ethiopia itself has dozens of such syncretisms (holy water rituals, saints, shrines). Many Oromo Muslims and Christians may compartmentalize: Irreechaa as culture, Islam/Christianity as religion. That doesn’t erase the theological contradiction, but it explains why people don’t abandon the festival en masse.
Identity politics vs. spiritual principles. Abrahamic religions may reject tribalism in principle, but lived reality shows Muslims and Christians worldwide struggle with ethnic and national identity (e.g., Arab nationalism, Christian Zionism). Ethiopia is no exception. So, yes, tribalism contradicts scripture, but it remains politically powerful.
- The intellectual roots you raised (e.g., Jalata)
Asafa Jalata and others explicitly frame Oromummaa as a counter-hegemonic project—a way to resist what they call Amhara-dominated narratives of Ethiopian identity. In this sense, Christianity and Islam, introduced as state religions at different times, are cast as part of a “colonial imposition.” From that angle, Oromummaa is deliberately in competition with Abrahamic universalism.
This is why you see phrases like “Christianity/Islam need reform to fit Oromo nationalism.” That is not religiously neutral—it’s ideological engineering, prioritizing nation over faith. It can, and does, create real conflicts of conscience among ordinary Oromo believers.
- My judgment
Oromummaa is both real and rhetorical. It is real insofar as it is rooted in shared language, history, and cultural practice. It is rhetorical when framed as a totalizing “collective consciousness” that subsumes religious diversity under ethnic identity.
Religious contradiction is real. If taken as ideology, Oromummaa collides with Islam’s Ummah and Christianity’s universalism. If taken as culture, it can coexist—but only if its proponents avoid absolutist claims that elevate Oromummaa over faith.
The danger is supremacism. When intellectuals push Oromummaa as overriding religion, they risk alienating 95% of Oromo who are Muslim or Christian. That’s why it often looks like an elite project with coercive undertones, not just cultural pride.
The way forward requires humility. For Oromummaa to be sustainable, it has to make space for Oromo Muslims and Christians to say: “My faith is primary, my culture enriches it, but neither cancels the other.” Anything else risks internal fracture.
My bottom line:
Oromummaa as heritage is enriching. Oromummaa as ideology becomes exclusionary and contradicts the Abrahamic worldview of most Oromo. The question for Oromo elites is whether they want an inclusive cultural pride or a quasi-religious nationalism. Right now, the rhetoric often leans toward the latter, which is why your critique has weight.
CONCLUSION
I thanked GROK for an enlightening discussion. It responded: “You’re very welcome! I’m glad we could dive into this complex topic together—it was a thought-provoking exchange. If you ever want to revisit or explore related issues, I’m here!” I intend to continue my discussion on different aspects of Oromummaa.