Ethiopia and Eritrea: One People, Divided by Power—From Ancient Unity to Political Partition

The Habesha News Desk
July 31, 2025

Ethiopia and Eritrea share millennia of intertwined history, culture, language, and religion. Despite this, they stand today as two distinct, sometimes hostile, nations. This division is not rooted in deep-seated ethnic or civilizational differences, but in the political calculations and ideological struggles of a few leaders—most notably Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea and Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia. This article explores how these two modern figures catalyzed a rupture that split a people with shared ancestry and heritage, and how their legacies continue to shape the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa.

Introduction

To understand the schism between Ethiopia and Eritrea, one must begin with their shared history. For over 3,000 years, the peoples of the northern Horn of Africa lived as part of a shared civilizational core—from the D’mt Kingdom and Aksumite Empire to the modern Ethiopian Empire. They worshiped similar gods, wrote in the Geʽez script, and traded across the same Red Sea ports. Yet, in a matter of decades in the 20th century, this shared history was disrupted by colonialism, Cold War alignments, and—most critically—the decisions of a few post-revolutionary leaders.

Historical Unity: Aksumite Foundations and Shared Heritage

The historical kingdom of Aksum (ca. 100 BCE – 940 CE), based in present-day northern Ethiopia and Eritrea, was one of the greatest civilizations of the ancient world. It minted its own currency, traded with Rome and India, and converted to Christianity in the 4th century CE—making Ethiopia and Eritrea some of the earliest Christian societies on earth.

The ancient Aksumites spoke Geʽez, built stelae in Axum and Yeha, and ruled both highland Tigray and the Red Sea coastal areas—regions that correspond to today’s Tigray (in Ethiopia) and central Eritrea. There were no “Ethiopians” or “Eritreans” then—just a constellation of highland communities bound by kinship, agriculture, religion, and trade.

Even under the Zagwe and Solomonic dynasties, the Red Sea coast remained integral to Ethiopian imperial strategy. The port of Massawa served as Ethiopia’s gateway to the outside world until the 19th century.

Colonial Disruption: Italian Rule and Artificial Borders

The first significant rupture came in the late 19th century, when Italy invaded and annexed Eritrea as a colony in 1890, following the Treaty of Wuchale. Ethiopia, led by Emperor Menelik II, defeated Italy at the Battle of Adwa in 1896 and retained its sovereignty—but Eritrea remained under foreign control.

Italy’s colonial administration introduced artificial divisions—administrative, linguistic, and legal—between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Still, many Eritreans fought alongside Ethiopians in the resistance against fascist Italy during World War II.

In 1952, the United Nations controversially federated Eritrea with Ethiopia, hoping to balance Eritrean autonomy with Ethiopian sovereignty. This arrangement lasted only a decade. In 1962, Emperor Haile Selassie unilaterally dissolved the federation and annexed Eritrea, igniting a three-decade armed struggle for independence.

The Role of Meles Zenawi and Isaias Afwerki

In the midst of the Eritrean liberation war (1961–1991), two men emerged as ideological and military leaders: Meles Zenawi, head of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and Isaias Afwerki, leader of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).

Both movements were Marxist-Leninist, sought to overthrow the Derg military regime in Ethiopia, and collaborated closely in the late 1980s. Their forces jointly took Addis Ababa in 1991, ending the rule of Mengistu Haile Mariam. In the same year, Eritrea held a UN-supervised referendum, with nearly 99.8% voting for independence. Ethiopia, under Meles, recognized the result.

From Brothers-in-Arms to Rivals

But the alliance did not last. Differences in political ideology, economic policy, and personal ambition soon turned Meles and Isaias into bitter rivals.

• Meles Zenawi envisioned Ethiopia as a federal state based on ethnic regions, with development led by a mixed economy and international engagement.

• Isaias Afwerki pursued a centralized, nationalist, and autarkic model—often dubbed “self-reliance”—and rejected multi-party democracy.

The most destructive rupture came in 1998, when a border dispute in the town of Badme escalated into a full-scale war between the former allies. The Eritrean–Ethiopian War (1998–2000) killed an estimated 80,000 people and displaced hundreds of thousands more. It was not just a conflict between nations—it was a civil war in all but name, fought by people who spoke the same language (Tigrinya), practiced the same religion, and had family on both sides of the border.

Political Narratives and the Manufacture of Division

After the war, both Meles and Isaias constructed nationalist narratives that framed the other side as aggressors, traitors, or imperialists. These narratives were reinforced by state media, education systems, and diaspora politics.

In Eritrea, the war was used to justify permanent militarization and the suppression of dissent. Eritrea remains one of the most closed societies in the world, with mandatory military service and no elections since independence.

In Ethiopia, the TPLF-led EPRDF government consolidated control and advanced a model of ethnic federalism, which paradoxically both empowered regional identities and deepened interethnic competition.

The division was not rooted in irreconcilable national differences—it was manufactured by power politics. As scholar Kjetil Tronvoll noted, “There are more cultural, linguistic, and religious similarities between highland Eritreans and northern Ethiopians than between any other two neighboring peoples in Africa.”

Recent Developments: Peace, Then War Again

In 2018, following the death of Meles in 2012 and the rise of Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace agreement that formally ended the state of war. Families reunited, borders briefly reopened, and there was renewed hope for integration.

But this peace was short-lived. In 2020, Eritrean forces joined Ethiopian federal troops in the Tigray War—targeting the same TPLF that once helped Isaias rise to power. Human rights groups reported atrocities committed by Eritrean troops in Tigray, including massacres, looting, and sexual violence.

Thus, the cycle of conflict between brotherly peoples was perpetuated—not by their will, but by the ambitions of powerful men.

Conclusion: One People, Two Flags

Ethiopia and Eritrea remain geopolitically divided, but culturally and historically they are inextricably linked. The divide is not ethnic, linguistic, or religious—it is political. It is the consequence of decisions made by leaders like Isaias Afwerki and Meles Zenawi, whose personal rivalries and ideological commitments overrode the shared history of their peoples.

In the words of historian Tekeste Negash, “Eritreans and Ethiopians are not strangers—rather, they are like siblings separated by a quarrel. But it is a quarrel that has been weaponized by power.”

As new generations grow up knowing only the division, the challenge will be to reclaim a shared memory of unity—not to erase sovereignty, but to humanize the border and rebuild trust between nations that were once one.