The Habesha News Desk
August 21, 2025
Abiy Ahmed Fueling Ethnic Hatred: Language and Rhetoric
Analysis of Political Speeches
Analysis of political speeches by Abiy Ahmed and other senior officials has raised concerns about the use of language that may fuel ethnic hatred in Ethiopia. During the Tigray conflict, there were multiple reports and studies showing that hate speech and inflammatory remarks became widespread. According to recent research, political leaders in Ethiopia have, at times, weaponized language to paint certain ethnic groups, particularly the Tigrayans, as enemies or threats to national security. Words like “cancer,” “weeds,” or comparisons to “vermin” were reportedly used in both formal speeches and media broadcasts. These terms are often associated with efforts to dehumanize a group, which can lead to violence or justify harsh government actions.
Experts warn that these types of political statements can encourage division and suspicion among the public. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and other watchdog groups have noted that such rhetoric increases the risk of mass atrocities by building a permission structure for broader discrimination and violence. Political and military actors have been accused of manipulating ethnic identities to motivate supporters and demonize opponents, rather than seeking peace and coexistence.
Government Media Influence
Government media influence in Ethiopia has also played a significant role in the spread of ethnic hatred. While some improvements were made in media freedom when Abiy Ahmed first took office, the situation changed drastically during conflict periods. National and regional media channels increasingly broadcast content favoring the government narrative and silencing dissenting voices.
Reports from organizations like Reporters Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists show that journalists who deviated from the official line, especially when reporting on ethnic violence, faced harassment or arrest. State media and government-supported outlets often amplified messages that highlighted and deepened ethnic mistrust. In addition, the government has been accused of using opinion journalism and propaganda instead of factual reporting, blurring the line between information and incitement.
Independent research as well as articles from Reuters analysis and academic journals point out that social media in Ethiopia, along with traditional news outlets, helped spread hateful language, misinformation, and conspiracy theories targeting Tigrayan, Amhara, and Oromo populations. Instead of promoting reconciliation, much of the government-associated media content polarized audiences and, sadly, made the violence worse.
Allegations of Ethnic Targeting and Cleansing
Atrocities in Tigray
Atrocities in Tigray have drawn sharp criticism from the international community. Multiple organizations, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, have accused Ethiopian federal forces and their allies of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity throughout the Tigray conflict. These alleged crimes include mass killings, systematic sexual violence, forced starvation, and the destruction of essential health and food infrastructure.
A particularly alarming charge is ethnic cleansing. Reports say that hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans have been forcibly removed from their homes because of their identity. Both the United Nations and the U.S. government, as well as detailed investigations by the BBC, documented accounts of door-to-door targeting, arbitrary arrest, and the denial of humanitarian aid based on ethnicity. The United Nations and rights groups continue to push for accountability, but the Ethiopian government denies intentional ethnic cleansing.
Violence in Amhara and Oromia Regions
Gimbi District Massacre
The Gimbi District massacre in Oromia stands as a chilling example of ethnic violence in Ethiopia. On June 18, 2022, gunmen attacked the Tole Kebele area in Gimbi District, reportedly killing more than 200 ethnic Amhara civilians, including women and children. Sources such as Amnesty International and The New York Times state that the attack was carried out by militants associated with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), who often clash with federal forces and target civilians during ethnic tensions.
Survivors described the horror of being hunted house to house and witnessing entire families killed in their homes. The massacre drew outrage both inside Ethiopia and internationally. However, responses from authorities were criticized as slow and ineffective, and many local people feel abandoned or unprotected.
Displacement Crisis
Displacement crisis in Ethiopia has grown to a huge humanitarian disaster. According to Human Rights Watch and the U.S. State Department, millions have been uprooted by violence in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia. In the wake of massacres like those in Gimbi and repeated violence in other regions, countless people have had to flee for their lives, leaving behind everything.
Ethnic minorities, particularly Amharas and Tigrayans, are often forced out of communities or placed in poorly equipped camps with little access to food, clean water, or medical care. The ongoing security crisis makes return dangerous, stretching Ethiopia’s resources, deepening trauma, and creating instability across the country.
The situation remains fragile, and there is great concern over continuing ethnic hatred, violence, and mass displacement throughout Ethiopia.
Responses to Ethnic Violence
Domestic Protests and Civil Resistance
Domestic protests have become common in Ethiopia as ethnic violence and government crackdowns continue. In regions like Oromia and Amhara, communities hold demonstrations against government actions and abuses. Many of these protests are quickly suppressed by security forces, according to Human Rights Watch and other sources. Despite widespread fear, ordinary people continue to use protest and acts of civil resistance, such as stay-at-home strikes and non-cooperation with authorities, as ways to demand safety, justice, and fair treatment.
Student Movements and Social Media Campaigns
Student movements have played an important role in challenging ethnic violence and abuses in Ethiopia. Amhara, Oromo, and Tigrayan student groups have often been at the front of campus protests and public rallies, risking arrest or violence.
Social media campaigns are now a main tool for raising awareness in Ethiopia. Platforms like Facebook and Twitter feature hashtags such as #AmharaGenocide, #TigrayGenocide, and #OromoProtests, drawing international attention to violence and repression. However, reports published in recent years (notably in 2024 and 2025) show that social media can also spread hate speech, intensifying ethnic hostility and sometimes fueling more violence or misinformation.
Criticism from Political Opponents
Criticism from political opponents is increasing as the crisis in Ethiopia deepens. Opposition leaders, including those from ethnic parties and the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, have accused the Abiy Ahmed government of failing to protect citizens and using violence to silence dissent. According to the Freedom House 2024 Country Report, Abiy’s administration is often blamed for centralizing power and repressing opposition voices, making the political climate even more tense. Critics say that instead of creating national unity, policies from the top have made ethnic rifts worse.
Calls for Resignation and Accountability
The demand for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s resignation has grown more vocal in 2024 and 2025. Opposition parties, civil society groups, and diaspora communities have all called for clear accountability for atrocities against civilians and mass displacement. There are urgent calls for independent investigations, prosecution of abuses, and a full change in leadership. These demands come amid ongoing massacres, forced displacements, and serious human rights abuses, with many believing that real stability cannot return without holding leaders responsible.
International Community Reaction
The international community has responded to Ethiopia’s ethnic violence with deep concern. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have reported ongoing atrocities in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia, urging foreign governments and the UN to take action. International reports in 2024 call attention to government forces and armed groups both being responsible for attacks on civilians, including massacres, sexual violence, and starvation as a weapon of war.
Aid Suspensions and Sanctions
Aid suspensions and sanctions are among the strongest responses from outside Ethiopia in the past two years. In 2023 and 2024, the UN and the United States suspended major food and humanitarian aid to Ethiopia, after allegations that resources were being looted or misused during conflict. This aid freeze caused a humanitarian crisis, leaving millions without food assistance. USAID and WFP suspensions were particularly devastating, according to The Guardian and Human Rights Watch. At the same time, calls for targeted sanctions on leaders accused of fueling violence have grown, especially in US and EU circles.
Diplomatic Efforts and Mediation Attempts
Diplomatic efforts and mediation have focused on trying to stop violence and promote peace between warring groups. The African Union (AU) and regional blocs like IGAD have tried to host peace talks and offer mediation, but progress is slow and fragile. In 2024, reports show the AU, Turkey, and some European countries acting as mediators in negotiations involving the Ethiopian government, Tigrayan leaders, and local militias. Local peace dialogues and transitional justice efforts are being encouraged by international bodies, but the lack of trust and ongoing hostilities have blocked any permanent solutions so far.
The situation remains very tense, with urgent calls for humanitarian access, respect for human rights, and a credible, lasting peace process.
Tigray Interim Administration and Federal Conflict
Tigray Interim Administration and federal conflict have become central issues in Ethiopia’s internal power struggles. After the Tigray conflict, the federal government tried to install a transitional administration in the Tigray region. However, trust between the Tigray Interim Administration and federal authorities remained very low. Many local officials and communities in Tigray viewed the interim authority as a puppet of Addis Ababa, not as a true representative of the people.
Tigrayan leaders were skeptical about power-sharing. Although the peace deal stopped active large-scale fighting, disputes continued over administration, humanitarian access, and who controls security in the region. This ongoing conflict has led to lawlessness in some Tigrayan areas and has slowed down efforts to rebuild the region.
Federal promises about autonomy and reconstruction were often not met, increasing frustration in Tigray. Demands for justice, peace, and the withdrawal of outside forces added to the heated political environment. The tension between the central government and regional actors in Tigray remains one of the main challenges facing Ethiopia’s path to stability.
Rise of Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)
Rise of Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) is another sign of Ethiopia’s complex regional dynamics. The OLA, sometimes called OLF-Shene, started as a breakaway wing of the Oromo Liberation Front. Over the years, tensions between the OLA and the Ethiopian government grew, especially after promised peace talks did not lead to real inclusion or autonomy for Oromo communities.
The OLA claims to fight for self-determination and better rights for the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Instead, the government labeled the OLA as a terrorist group. Battles between the OLA and federal forces, as well as local clashes with other ethnic militias, have left many dead and forced thousands of people to flee their homes.
Areas like western and southern Oromia see regular outbreaks of violence. The OLA’s actions, plus the government’s military responses, create an atmosphere of fear that undermines national unity. The group’s growing influence highlights the failure of national reconciliation and the fragile state of social trust in Ethiopia.
Resurgence of Regional Militias
Resurgence of regional militias is increasing Ethiopia’s instability. In the absence of strong central control, many regions revived or armed local militias for security and political leverage. Amhara, Afar, and Somali areas all witnessed the rise of self-defense groups. Some of these militias operate officially under regional governments, while others function more like armed gangs beyond government control.
Local leaders often see these militias as tools to protect their communities from rival groups or the federal army. But their actions also escalate local disputes, encourage revenge killings, and create more ethnic tensions. The spread of weapons, unclear chain of command, and lack of central oversight mean that violence can erupt quickly.
These growing armed groups weaken Ethiopia’s already strained political system. The presence of multiple militias makes any peace negotiation challenging, as not all actors are willing to put down their arms or trust disarmament promises. In some cases, regional leaders use militias as bargaining chips when dealing with Addis Ababa.
Ethiopia-Eritrea Relations and Red Sea Access
Ethiopia-Eritrea relations and Red Sea access tie domestic power struggles directly to international politics. After years of conflict, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed made peace with Eritrea in 2018, which helped earn him the Nobel Peace Prize. Despite this progress, the alliance is fragile. During the Tigray conflict, Eritrean soldiers entered Ethiopia, fighting alongside government forces against Tigrayan troops. This complicated regional relations and fueled mistrust between communities.
One of Ethiopia’s biggest strategic concerns is getting access to the Red Sea. As a landlocked country since Eritrea’s independence in 1993, Ethiopia strongly relies on its neighbors’ ports for trade. Negotiations for Red Sea access remain tense and sensitive. Ethiopia’s economic goals sometimes conflict with Eritrea’s desire to secure its borders and remain independent from Addis Ababa’s influence.
Because of these tensions, shifts in Ethiopia-Eritrea relations quickly affect regional peace and economics. The unresolved issues over ports and border demarcation mean that the peace between the two countries is uncertain. Any misstep could pull both nations back into conflict, harming the chances for Ethiopian stability and regional cooperation.
Humanitarian Consequences
Displacement and Refugee Crisis
Displacement and refugee crisis in Ethiopia have become severe since the outbreak of the Tigray conflict and rising violence in multiple regions. According to recent reports by UN agencies and humanitarian organizations, millions of people have been forced to flee their homes due to fighting, ethnic targeting, and instability. Entire families leave everything behind to escape violence in Tigray, Amhara, Oromia, and Afar regions.
Neighboring countries like Sudan and South Sudan have seen a massive influx of Ethiopian refugees seeking safety. Refugee camps are overcrowded, lacking basic services like clean water, sanitation, and healthcare. Within Ethiopia, internally displaced persons (IDPs) face dire conditions, as many live in temporary shelters or open fields, vulnerable to disease and exploitation. Humanitarian needs are overwhelming, and many children have lost access to education for several years.
Famine and Food Insecurity
Famine and food insecurity in Ethiopia are alarming. Large parts of northern Ethiopia, including Tigray, have been on the edge of famine since 2021 due to blocked aid, destroyed farmlands, and disrupted supply chains. The World Food Programme and other aid groups warn that millions could be pushed into catastrophic hunger without immediate help.
Conflict zones suffer most, as violence stops farmers from planting or harvesting crops. Food prices soar, making basic goods unaffordable. Malnutrition cases among children under five are rising quickly, and mothers struggle to feed their families. Drought, in addition to war, has made matters worse, especially in parts of Afar and Somali regions. Aid agencies repeatedly stress that urgent humanitarian access is needed, yet restrictions and attacks on aid workers have slowed life-saving deliveries.
Impact on Women’s and Children’s Safety
Impact on women’s and children’s safety in Ethiopia is deeply troubling because of the ongoing conflict and humanitarian crisis. Women and girls face increased risks of gender-based violence, including rape and sexual assault, especially in conflict zones like Tigray and Amhara. There are harrowing accounts of sexual violence being used as a weapon of war. Survivors often do not receive the necessary medical or psychological support.
Children are also among the most vulnerable. Many have witnessed or experienced violence, lost their homes, or been separated from their families. Thousands of children are at risk of being recruited as child soldiers or exploited for labor. Schools have been destroyed or remain closed, cutting off education and support systems for the young generation.
Health clinics are struggling to provide basic care, and there is a drastic shortage of hygiene kits, menstrual products, and safe delivery services for women. As the crisis drags on, the long-term impact on mental and physical health of women and children could last for decades unless urgent action is taken.
Note: For more information on the humanitarian response, some official updates are available on the UN OCHA’s Ethiopia Humanitarian page.
The Future of Ethiopia
Ceasefire Attempts and Peace Negotiations
Ceasefire attempts and peace negotiations have been central to Ethiopia’s future since the outbreak of violent conflicts. Multiple ceasefires have been announced, yet lasting peace has proved elusive. Government officials and leaders from regional groups, especially the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), have engaged in talks. Sometimes these talks happen under pressure from international mediators such as the African Union or United Nations.
Ceasefire announcements have often resulted in only temporary pauses in fighting. Trust between sides remains extremely weak. Mistrust and accusations, especially around humanitarian aid access, have made peace agreements difficult to enforce. When talks break down or a side feels betrayed, hostilities resume quickly. Some agreements have included provisions for power sharing, demobilizing fighters, and humanitarian corridors, but implementation has rarely been smooth or sustained.
Many Ethiopians are desperate for an end to violence and want these peace efforts to succeed. Still, until all sides genuinely commit to dialogue, and until victims feel heard and respected, the goal of a stable ceasefire will likely stay out of reach.
Risks of Renewed Civil War
Risks of a renewed civil war remain high in Ethiopia. The country is still deeply divided. Different ethnic and regional groups have armed militias. The lines between political disagreement and armed rebellion are thin.
Ongoing violence between government forces, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), regional Amhara militias, and other actors could easily spiral into another nationwide war. Tensions rise every time peace deals fail or civilians are attacked. Unresolved issues, like territorial disputes and demands for more autonomy, add more fuel to the fire.
Fragile governments in the regions and the weakness of the central government add to the fear that Ethiopia might see a wider and bloodier conflict than before. Many ordinary people are frightened that their communities could be swept up in fresh fighting. The memory of recent wars is still raw.
Prospects for National Reconciliation
Prospects for national reconciliation in Ethiopia depend on strong leadership, a shared sense of justice, and a willingness to listen. So far, national dialogue efforts have been strained by persistent ethnic mistrust and a history of unresolved grievances.
For true reconciliation, victims of violence need acknowledgment and justice, not just political statements. Leaders from all sides must publicly reject hate speech and violence. Civil society, churches, elders, and youth groups will need to play a big role because government efforts alone are not trusted by the entire population.
If Ethiopia can create inclusive platforms for dialogue and practice justice for all, rather than for some, hope for reconciliation exists. Progress will be slow and sometimes painful. However, without real reconciliation, cycles of conflict could repeat, and the dream of a peaceful, united Ethiopia will stay out of reach.
The world is watching as Ethiopians search for a way forward. Every step towards talking, rather than fighting, is critical for the nation’s future.
Conclusion: The Fragile State of Ethiopia
Ethiopia finds itself at a critical point. The past years have left the country deeply affected by ethnic conflict, displacement, and humanitarian disasters. Social trust is broken, and political unity is weaker than ever. The ethnic federalism system, which was meant to solve old grievances, has instead fueled competition and distrust among groups.
The lasting impact of the Tigray conflict, along with violence in Amhara, Oromia, and other regions, has left millions of people struggling with insecurity and instability. Families have been separated, homes destroyed, and terrifying stories of atrocities have spread fear across the country. For many Ethiopians, daily life is filled with uncertainty.
The government under Abiy Ahmed has tried to push reforms and centralize power, but critics argue that these steps have often worsened ethnic divisions. Words and actions from leaders and government channels have sometimes added to the anger rather than healing wounds. In some places, state institutions seem powerless to stop renewed violence or to protect vulnerable groups.
International aid and diplomatic efforts have brought some relief, but humanitarian challenges remain enormous. Food shortages, displacement, and fear of a return to large-scale war haunt millions. Meanwhile, young people lose hope for a peaceful future, and regional rivalries threaten any efforts toward dialogue or recovery.
Looking forward, Ethiopia’s future is far from certain. Achieving real peace and reconciliation will demand strong leadership, willingness to listen, and inclusion of all ethnic groups in decision-making. Without genuine talks and a focus on justice and equality, there is a risk that old wounds will reopen and more blood will be spilled.
Ethiopian society is strong and resilient. But unless the cycle of ethnic violence, impunity, and suffering is broken, the state itself could remain fragile for years to come. Only through honest reckoning, justice, and broad-based dialogue can Ethiopia start to heal and build a shared, peaceful future.