Many people are asking about Abiy Ahmed human rights violations. What is happening in Ethiopia now? Why are there reports of mass arrests, political repression, and deadly drone strikes in Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray? Families are scared, activists are silenced, and civilians keep paying the price. It is hard to watch and not worry.
This article will help you understand:
- What alleged human rights violations look like on the ground
- How mass arrests and intimidation affect political life
- Where drone strikes and conflict have harmed civilians
- What this means for communities in Oromia, Amhara, and Tigray
Our focus is on facts, patterns, and the human cost.
We aim to explain the scope, the tactics, and the risks behind Abiy Ahmed human rights violations.
Background of the Ethiopian Conflict
Historical tensions and ethnic federalism
Historical tensions in Ethiopia have deep roots in competition between diverse ethnic groups. Ethiopia’s political structure, called ethnic federalism, was introduced in the 1990s by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Ethnic federalism divided the country into regional states based on ethnicity. This model was created to give autonomy to various ethnic groups and prevent domination by any single group.
However, ethnic federalism did not solve old rivalries. Instead, it sometimes increased competition over resources, political power, and land. Tensions often erupted between the different regions, including the Tigray, Amhara, Oromo, and others. Some groups demanded more power, while others feared losing what they had. These rivalries set the stage for more serious disputes in the years to come.
Rise of Abiy Ahmed and initial reforms
The rise of Abiy Ahmed marked a big shift in Ethiopia’s politics. In 2018, Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister. He was seen as a reformer and quickly moved to change the system. He released political prisoners, ended a long-running war with Eritrea, and promised more political freedom. These actions won him both national and international praise.
Abiy’s initial reforms excited many Ethiopians. Many hoped he would help the country move past its old problems. His government also tried to unite different groups and reduce tensions. However, these changes also worried some political leaders and regions, especially those who felt their power and influence were threatened. While opening up the political space, Abiy’s reforms weakened the old ruling coalition’s control.
Power struggle with Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)
The power struggle with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) soon became central to Ethiopia’s troubles. The TPLF had been the dominant force in the ruling coalition for nearly three decades. After Abiy Ahmed took office, TPLF leaders lost much of their influence in the federal government.
The TPLF accused Abiy of moving too fast to centralize power and ignoring the federal system’s checks and balances. Meanwhile, Abiy blamed the TPLF for undermining his government and stalling reforms. This led to growing hostility between the federal government and Tigray region, led by the TPLF.
By 2020, mistrust and political maneuvering had exploded into open conflict. The power struggle now involved not just high-level politicians, but also regular citizens who were suddenly caught in one of the region’s most dangerous crises in recent history.
Trigger events: Tigray elections and military base attack
Trigger events for the Ethiopia Tigray conflict center around the September 2020 regional elections and a shocking military base attack. Tensions between the Ethiopian federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) had been building for years, but the situation worsened in 2020. The Tigray region held its own elections in September, directly defying Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s federal mandate to postpone voting because of COVID-19. This created a clear confrontation between Addis Ababa and the TPLF leadership.
On November 4, 2020, everything exploded after reports surfaced that Tigrayan forces attacked Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) bases across the Tigray region, especially the Northern Command headquarters in Mekelle. The federal government declared that these attacks forced military retaliation. This military base attack is widely seen by Ethiopian officials and many international observers as the immediate spark that set off the war, though deeper political and ethnic tensions helped create the tinderbox.
Timeline of military escalation
Timeline of military escalation in the Ethiopia Tigray war began right after the November base attacks. Prime Minister Abiy ordered a military offensive against the TPLF on November 4, 2020. Airstrikes, shelling, and ground assaults targeted key areas in Tigray. Troops from Eritrea and Amhara region were soon involved in the conflict as well, turning a local dispute into a regional war.
In the following weeks, federal troops captured several towns and eventually claimed control over the Tigray capital, Mekelle, by late November 2020. However, the violence did not end there. Instead, the conflict slipped into a brutal phase of guerrilla warfare. By mid-2021, TPLF forces launched a counteroffensive, regaining large portions of Tigray in June and expanding into neighboring Amhara and Afar regions. International reports tracked waves of atrocities as both sides clashed fiercely.
The fighting waxed and waned through 2021 and 2022, with controversial drone strikes, shifting territorial control, and periodic large-scale offensives from both Tigrayan and Ethiopian government forces. Ceasefires and peace negotiations repeatedly collapsed, and by late 2022, many feared a return to full-scale hostilities.
Geographic spread of conflict (Tigray, Amhara, Oromia)
Geographic spread of the conflict began with fierce fighting inside the Tigray region, but soon bled into neighboring areas. By 2021, battles had expanded south and west into Amhara and east into Afar. In Amhara, armed groups and regional forces joined the federal side, sometimes targeting Tigrayan civilians. Cities, rural districts, and border towns all became flashpoints.
As the conflict deepened, violence also rippled into the Oromia region, Ethiopia’s largest and most populous. Here, other armed groups—including Oromo militias with grievances against the federal government—were drawn into unrest linked to the wider crisis. Skirmishes, displaced people, and ethnic violence soon touched almost every corner of northern and central Ethiopia.
The spread of the war created a humanitarian disaster and left millions internally displaced or forced to flee across borders. By mid-2022, crisis zones could be found not only in Tigray but throughout Amhara and Oromia, each carrying scars of war, broken trust, and growing fear for the future.
Accusations of War Crimes and Human Rights Violations
Extrajudicial killings and targeted massacres
Extrajudicial killings and targeted massacres have become a tragic hallmark of the Ethiopian conflict. According to Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, civilians in regions like Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia have suffered waves of violence, with witnesses recounting how soldiers and allied militias executed men, women, and children without legal proceedings. In Axum, Tigray, Eritrean troops were reported to have massacred hundreds of civilians in one of the deadliest single incidents. UN experts warn that such killings and mass arrests continue despite peace efforts. All parties in the conflict, especially government forces, Eritrean and Amhara militias, and sometimes even Tigrayan forces, have faced serious allegations of crimes against humanity and possible genocide. The international community remains deeply concerned as mass atrocities, including revenge killings and targeting of specific ethnic communities, are widely documented but rarely punished.
Use of starvation and siege tactics
Use of starvation and siege tactics has devastated millions in northern Ethiopia. Multiple aid organizations and academic reports conclude that the Ethiopian government and allied Eritrean forces used starvation as a weapon of war against Tigray, aiming to break the population’s resistance. The region was effectively cut off from food, medicine, and humanitarian supplies for many months, inducing a famine declared as “man-made” by several observers and researchers. Blockades and the destruction of critical infrastructure left civilians without essentials. Tigrayans have described daily life under siege, citing hunger, children dying of malnutrition, and collapsed healthcare. This deliberate deprivation meets many definitions of a war crime. Expert reports call for accountability, noting that these tactics have not only starved populations but also made recovery extremely difficult. The consequences of siege warfare are ongoing, leaving a catastrophic legacy.
Drone strikes and civilian casualties
Drone strikes and high civilian casualties are a deeply troubling aspect of recent phases of the Ethiopian conflict. Since 2021, the Ethiopian government has conducted a series of drone attacks using imported and homemade drones, particularly in Tigray and Amhara. According to international media and medical reports, these strikes have hit residential areas, markets, and even camps for internally displaced people. In one instance, over 50 civilians died in a single drone strike on a displacement camp in Tigray. More recently, drone strikes in Amhara killed farmers, children, and pregnant women, sparking local and international outrage. In total, thousands of civilian casualties from airstrikes have been reported. The deliberate or reckless targeting of non-combatants raises urgent questions about compliance with international humanitarian law and the use of drones in internal conflict.
Role of Eritrean and Amhara forces
Role of Eritrean and Amhara forces in the Ethiopian conflict has come under intense scrutiny due to widespread reports of war crimes, atrocities, and ethnic cleansing. Eritrean troops, allied with the Ethiopian government, crossed the border and committed some of the worst documented massacres in Tigray, including in Axum and other towns. Reports from Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations detail killings, sexual violence, looting, and systematic destruction by these forces. Amhara regional forces and militias have also been accused of ethnic-based violence, land takeovers, and forced displacement, especially targeting Tigrayans living in disputed areas. Some reports even document revenge attacks and mass killings perpetrated during periods of fighting or when one side temporarily gained control of an area. The involvement of these external actors has made the conflict even more brutal and complicated efforts to secure peace.
Gender-based violence and rape as weapons
Gender-based violence and rape as weapons have been a horrifying reality for thousands of women in the Ethiopian civil war. International agencies, including Amnesty International, Doctors Without Borders, and the United Nations, have collected overwhelming evidence that rape, sexual slavery, and other forms of sexual violence were used deliberately to terrorize and punish communities, especially by Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara affiliated forces. Reports detail systematic attacks: women and girls raped in front of family members, forced pregnancies, and abductions. Medical professionals have observed extensive harm, including severe physical trauma and psychological scars. These atrocities are not limited to one side; rather, sexual violence is widespread and used as a tool of war, aiming to break the spirit of affected populations. Despite numerous calls for justice, survivors continue to face stigma, lack of access to care, and impunity for perpetrators. The international community sees these acts as war crimes and crimes against humanity, underscoring the urgent need for accountability and survivor support.
Dismantling of political rivals and dissent
Dismantling of political rivals and dissent has become a key feature of Ethiopia’s political landscape in recent years. Since the start of new internal conflicts and the government’s tightening grip, abuses by security forces and violations of due process have become widespread. Prominent opposition politicians and those critical of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration face arbitrary detention and intimidation, especially during states of emergency.
The government uses mass arrests and intimidation to stifle voices that question its authority. Reports indicate that political rivals are routinely targeted, with some losing their party registration or facing trumped-up charges in court. New laws, such as draft legislation targeting civil society (according to FIDH and HRW reports), have further undercut political pluralism. The political space that opened during Abiy Ahmed’s early reforms has now shrunken, replaced by a strategy that blends legal barriers, physical intimidation, and the outright removal of rivals to consolidate the central government’s power.
Crackdown on activists, journalists, and civil society
Crackdown on activists, journalists, and civil society groups has become alarmingly common in Ethiopia. Several recent reports, including from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, warn that the government has suspended or shut down leading human rights groups in both 2024 and 2025. The authorities have made it nearly impossible for new organizations to register, and many already-established groups have faced arbitrary investigations and forced closures.
Activists and journalists are not spared. Many have been detained for long periods without charge. The use of the state of emergency powers gives authorities broad license to harass and silence those who dare speak out. Journalists reporting on sensitive topics—like the ongoing conflicts or government abuses—risk threats, arrest, and violence. Far from being isolated incidents, these crackdowns are part of a larger pattern: the methodical repression of all voices that could offer criticism or independent information to the public.
Media censorship and communications blackout
Media censorship and communications blackout are serious tools the Ethiopian government uses to maintain control, especially during crises. Internet freedom remains sharply under threat, according to recent Freedom House reports. The government has resorted to shutting down mobile networks, landlines, and social media, particularly in regions affected by unrest. These blackouts may last for months, making it extremely hard for people to communicate or share news.
Not only ordinary citizens but also journalists and news outlets are targeted. Media organizations that do not support the official government line face bans, harassment, or even closure. The repeated use of full internet closures and social media bans devastates not just the media sector but also the economy and emergency response efforts. In the words of digital rights organizations, Ethiopia’s approach to information flow during conflict is to “switch off the internet and silence the press,” leaving millions in the dark. This persistent censorship raises grave concerns for anyone hoping for free expression or access to unbiased news in Ethiopia today.
Humanitarian Catastrophe
Displacement and refugee crisis
Displacement and refugee crisis in Ethiopia have reached alarming levels in 2024. More than 4.5 million people are internally displaced, especially in the Somali, Oromia, and Tigray regions. Conflict remains the main reason for this displacement, accounting for the majority of cases, while natural disasters like drought and floods add to the crisis. Ethiopia also hosts more than 1 million refugees and asylum seekers, mostly from neighboring countries such as South Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea. The displaced population includes a disproportionate number of women, girls, and children—nearly 60% are children, which raises serious protection concerns.
This massive displacement strains already-limited resources and services. Host communities, too, face increasing pressure as new arrivals compete for basic needs like water, shelter, and food. The displacement is not only internal. Thousands flee to neighboring countries, desperate for safety and security, further contributing to instability in the Horn of Africa region.
Conditions in refugee camps and neighboring countries
Conditions in refugee camps both inside Ethiopia and in neighboring countries remain dire. Most refugees are confined to overcrowded camps where sanitation, clean water, and healthcare are inadequate. Raids, thefts, and violence—including gender-based violence and child exploitation—are common threats reported in 2024. Refugees who cross into countries like Sudan, South Sudan, and Kenya face harsh living conditions, including lack of food, poor shelter, and limited or no access to education and employment.
According to reports, many camps are severely underfunded, and basic needs are not met. Disease outbreaks are frequent due to poor sanitation and cramped conditions. Malnutrition rates in children are especially high. Women and girls suffer additional risks, facing sexual violence and a lack of privacy even in official safe spaces. The trauma of displacement is compounded by uncertainty and difficult resettlement prospects.
Famine, starvation, and blockades
Famine, starvation, and blockades are devastating millions across Ethiopia, particularly in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia regions. By 2024, at least 10.2 million people in Ethiopia are in need of food support. The blockade of aid, coupled with ongoing conflicts and climate shocks (like severe drought), has caused food insecurity to skyrocket. Reports from humanitarian agencies warn that starvation and death are becoming inevitable for already-vulnerable populations—especially after the suspension and disruption of food aid convoys.
Tigray, in particular, faces the worst hunger situation, often compared to the horrors of Ethiopia’s 1984 famine. Blockades on roads and aid deliveries have left rural areas cut off for months at a time. Recent data shows that nearly 400 people died from starvation in Tigray and Amhara in early 2024 alone. Crop failures due to climate change intensify the hardship, making recovery almost impossible without major intervention.
Access to humanitarian aid and international restrictions
Access to humanitarian aid in Ethiopia remains extremely limited because of ongoing violence, government restrictions, damaged infrastructure, and bureaucratic hurdles. Some areas, especially in Tigray and Amhara, have been sealed off from outside help, making it impossible for food, medicine, and relief agencies to reach those in need. Humanitarian workers themselves often face harassment, detention, or direct attacks, further limiting their ability to operate.
In 2024, only about 12.8 million people managed to receive at least some form of humanitarian assistance, while millions more in hard-to-reach or active conflict zones continue to wait. International organizations and donor governments say that unless urgent efforts are made to restore unhindered humanitarian access, prevent looting, and guarantee safety for relief workers, the humanitarian catastrophe will deepen.
The need for reliable access is growing every day, but the will to ensure it remains weak. As a result, Ethiopia’s crisis keeps worsening, with innocent civilians paying the highest price.
Ethnic violence and cleansing allegations
Ethnic violence has become a major part of the Ethiopian conflict, with serious allegations of ethnic cleansing in several regions. In particular, Western Tigray has seen systematic efforts to drive out ethnic Tigrayans, as reported by Human Rights Watch and the BBC. These reports say that Amhara forces and allied militias have been accused of murders, forced displacement, rape, and destruction of property. The US State Department and rights groups have also documented mass killings of civilians and widespread abuse, especially targeting Tigrayan communities.
At the same time, Tigrayan forces have faced accusations when they pushed into the Amhara region. According to multiple sources, Amharas and other non-Tigrayans were victims of retaliation attacks and massacres. Both sides deny many of these allegations, but the United Nations and international NGOs have collected evidence of serious abuses against civilians on an ethnic basis. This spiral of violence and revenge has made people extremely fearful, leading to deep mistrust between different ethnic groups across the country.
Involvement of militia and local armed groups
The involvement of militia and local armed groups has greatly complicated the Ethiopian crisis. In the Amhara region, the Fano militia has played a central role. The Fano group operates independently, sometimes fighting government troops and at other times clashing with Tigrayan forces. Reports from Human Rights Watch and the Council on Foreign Relations highlight how this militia’s actions have contributed to civilian suffering and made peace more difficult.
In Oromia, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) is another powerful non-state actor. The OLA has fought government forces and is accused of attacking civilians, especially from rival ethnicities. Government counterinsurgency campaigns in Amhara and Oromia have led to further cycles of violence and retaliation. These militias are often driven by local grievances and ethnic identity, making them hard to control and increasing the risk of massacres.
Each armed group has its own agenda, often at odds with both the central government and other local factions. This patchwork of militias creates a confusing and dangerous landscape where civilians are trapped in the middle, leading to new waves of displacement and trauma.
Spillover into Amhara and Oromia regions
The conflict’s spillover into the Amhara and Oromia regions has created even more chaos and insecurity. What started in Tigray has turned into a nationwide emergency, with the government declaring states of emergency in some parts of Amhara and Oromia. In both regions, insurgent groups have fought the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), leading to heavy fighting, death, and the forced movement of thousands of people.
In Amhara, the fighting between the Fano militia and government troops has escalated, sometimes turning into open rebellion. Oromia has also seen sharp increases in violence, mostly due to clashes between government forces and the OLA. According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) and International Crisis Group, both regions are now highly unstable.
Ethnic-based attacks are not limited to border areas; they have spread far beyond the original conflict zones, sometimes resulting in tit-for-tat massacres and frequent reports of collective punishment of whole communities. The unrest is now threatening Ethiopia’s overall stability and risks making a recovery much more difficult for the future.
The combined effects of ethnic violence, armed militias, and regional spillovers have pushed Ethiopia into one of the most dangerous periods in its recent history, and the humanitarian need is greater than ever.
International Reactions and Accountability Efforts
United Nations and human rights organizations’ reports
United Nations and human rights organizations’ reports have been crucial in documenting the scale of the Ethiopian conflict’s suffering. Since the start of the war, the UN has expressed deep concern over widespread human rights abuses, including mass killings, forced displacement, and the use of starvation as a weapon. Reports from the UN Human Rights Council and Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights have concluded that all sides in the conflict, including Eritrean troops, are likely responsible for war crimes and possible crimes against humanity.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have consistently published investigations exposing ethnic massacres, extrajudicial killings, and systematic sexual violence. The evidence presented by these reports has shocked the international community, showing the scale of atrocities committed against civilians. Despite calls for access, independent investigators have often been denied entry to the most affected regions, making it difficult to fully assess the situation.
U.S. and European government responses and sanctions
U.S. and European government responses and sanctions intensified as evidence of atrocities mounted. The United States imposed targeted sanctions on Ethiopian and Eritrean officials believed responsible for the violence and human rights abuses. The U.S. also cut certain forms of economic and security assistance, hoping to pressure for an end to hostilities. The European Union echoed these actions, freezing budget support and placing travel bans and asset freezes on individuals linked to serious abuses.
Both the U.S. and the EU have repeatedly called for immediate humanitarian access, a ceasefire, and genuine peace talks. However, their measures have sometimes been criticized as not going far enough, especially as fighting continued and conditions deteriorated. Diplomatic efforts were continually challenged by the Ethiopian government’s accusations of foreign interference and its reluctance to allow broader international oversight.
Calls for accountability and transitional justice
Calls for accountability and transitional justice have grown louder as the scale of suffering becomes clearer. Local and international groups, as well as victims, demand independent investigations and prosecution of those responsible, regardless of rank or affiliation. Many organizations and community leaders insist that long-term stability and peace in Ethiopia depend on addressing the root causes of violence, not just catching perpetrators.
Discussions about transitional justice point to the importance of truth telling, reparations, and institutional reforms to heal communities and rebuild trust. The African Union and other regional bodies have proposed support for Ethiopian-led reconciliation processes, but there is widespread skepticism about the government’s true commitment to accountability. Without concrete steps, there remains a serious risk of impunity and repeated cycles of violence in the future.
The urgent need for justice and accountability is a central theme in the international community’s response to the Ethiopian conflict. But achieving this remains extremely challenging given ongoing instability and resistance by those in power.
Contrast between Nobel recognition and subsequent actions
Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his bold peace initiative with Eritrea and his reform efforts in Ethiopia. In his early days as Prime Minister, Abiy released political prisoners, ended press censorship, and promised to open up the political space. Many hoped these changes would bring a new era of peace and democracy to Ethiopia. The world praised him for unblocking old divisions and embracing reconciliation both at home and abroad.
However, the excitement quickly faded as Abiy Ahmed’s actions took a very different turn after the prize. Several sources, including the New York Times, NPR, and the BBC, report that soon after his Nobel win, Abiy became deeply involved in a violent confrontation with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The war in Tigray saw Abiy’s government accused of many severe actions: military offensives, allegations of war crimes, blocking humanitarian aid, and collaborating with Eritrean forces once again—but this time to wage war, not peace.
This contrast is stark and troubling. Instead of reinforcing his Nobel vision, Abiy’s decisions have led the country into a brutal conflict with appalling human costs. Critics point out that his Nobel laureate status now sharply contradicts Ethiopia’s human rights record, including reports of extrajudicial killings, mass displacements, arbitrary arrests, and restrictions on speech. What was once hope for democracy has turned into widespread concern over authoritarianism and ethnic violence.
Impact on Ethiopia’s global standing
Abiy Ahmed’s Nobel Peace Prize first boosted Ethiopia’s international image, presenting the country as a symbol of progress in Africa. The world saw Ethiopia as a model for peaceful conflict resolution and reform. International donors and governments rushed to support Abiy’s agenda, optimistic that the nation was on a path of peace.
Yet the Tigray war has badly damaged Ethiopia’s global reputation. Reports from the Council on Foreign Relations, BBC, and United Nations highlight how the conflict’s brutality shocked the world. Human rights organizations routinely criticize Ethiopia for abuses during the war, and images of starvation, displacement, and violence make headlines. Many international partners have cut aid or imposed sanctions, citing their concerns about civilian harm and blocked humanitarian access.
The country’s standing at the United Nations and African Union has also suffered. Some nations now see Ethiopia as unstable and unpredictable, losing its role as a peacekeeper for the region. The crushing economic toll of war, record-level internal displacement, and continued reports of ethnic conflict have further eroded foreign confidence.
In summary, what was once a story of hope and reform has turned into one of deep mistrust and condemnation. Ethiopia’s international image is now stained by conflict, humanitarian crisis, and political repression, a far cry from the optimism that followed Abiy Ahmed’s Nobel award.
Ongoing Conflict and Prospects for Peace
Ceasefires, peace talks, and their failures
Ceasefires and peace talks in Ethiopia have happened several times since the war began, but they have often failed. In November 2022, a major peace deal was signed in Pretoria, South Africa, between the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). International organizations welcomed the agreement and hoped it would end the violence. However, implementation was slow and uneven. Reports from 2023 and 2024 showed fighting continued in some parts of Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia.
Ceasefires were declared more than once, but both sides accused each other of breaking the agreements. Mistrust runs deep between the government and rebels, and local militias do not always follow national decisions. Some armed groups felt excluded from peace talks, leading to renewed fighting in different regions. Humanitarian groups warned that without an inclusive and transparent process, lasting peace in Ethiopia remains difficult.
Transitional justice initiatives and future challenges
Transitional justice has become a key subject in Ethiopia’s path toward peace. The government and international partners proposed mechanisms like truth commissions, reparations, and prosecutions for war crimes. In theory, these initiatives can help communities heal and hold perpetrators accountable. But in reality, deep divisions and political interference have slowed progress.
Many survivors of violence do not trust the results of government-led investigations. Some communities fear revenge or discrimination if they speak out. Powerful actors within the military and ruling party sometimes block investigations to protect themselves. International observers say without protection for witnesses and genuine independence, these justice initiatives could fail. Building trust among Ethiopia’s many ethnic groups will be essential, but it will take years of careful effort.
Persistent risks of renewed violence
Even as fighting sometimes appears to pause, risks of new violence remain high. Root causes of the conflict, such as disputes over territory, ethnic competition, and exclusion from political power, have not been resolved. Local militias remain heavily armed, and security is weak across many rural areas. Humanitarian aid delays and a lack of basic services add to frustration, creating conditions for further unrest.
The government also faces unrest in Amhara and Oromia, where local groups complain of marginalization. If real peace and reconciliation do not materialize soon, Ethiopia could see new waves of displacement and instability. Many experts worry that the country’s fragile peace could collapse, especially if economic problems or political crises get worse.
For Ethiopia, moving beyond the cycle of war will require honest dialogue, fair justice, and strong efforts to include all communities in decision-making. Until then, the path to peace remains uncertain and fragile.