Ethiopia’s divisive ethnic politics are causing the disintegration of national unity

by Hussien Adal Mohammed (PhD) and
AklogBirara (PhD)

Ethiopia is currently facing two significant challenges that are impeding its stability and progress: the complexities of ethnic politics and the limitations of having a landlocked economy. These issues are closely intertwined and are exacerbated by an institutional framework that is centered around ethnicity, intentionally designed to influence the political, social, and economic landscape of the country. At present, these challenges are evident in a discouraging cycle of “Entorotus” – a path leading nowhere – characterized by ethnic politics, political dominance, hegemony, strategies of division, and the ongoing search for access to the sea. Unfortunately, these obstacles persist despite the backdrop of human rights violations, insecurity, and instability, both from state and non-state actors.

Ethnic politics: The perilous “Entorotus” journey in Ethiopia

Ethiopia’s distinct form of tribal/ethnic politics undermines and diminishes its population. This endeavor is futile, considering that many individuals have never officially identified with a specific tribe. With each generation spanning approximately 25 years, the current generation is surpassing the influence of political tribal isolation through intermarriage and diverse interactions. Throughout the past 200-240 generations, characterized by population movements and intertribal unions, the fusion of multiple tribes has reshaped Ethiopian society. At a tribal level, the blood of any Ethiopian carries the genetic heritage of various tribes, dispelling the notion of ethnic purity as a mere myth. The statement “I am only a descendant of this or that tribe” no longer holds true, as individuals can no longer separate themselves from others. Analyses of family trees of leaders, including emperors, presidents, prime ministers, cabinet members, and religious leaders in Ethiopia—both past and present—provide evidence that supports this notion, which can also be applied to the broader public. It is now possible for someone to trace their ethnic lineage back at least seven generations within their family tree. This perspective aligns with the belief that over 90 percent of the country’s citizens are Ethiopians, emphasizing the shared Ethiopian identity over tribal affiliations.

Recognizing this fundamental principle and embracing one another as human beings and Ethiopians is crucial for the well-being of individuals and the nation. Despite the centuries of population migrations and interactions, the current generation still holds onto the language of their forefathers while also embracing new languages. The acceptance of mixed languages is a favorable progress. However, in order to establish a genuine sense of unity, Ethiopians need to reach a consensus on a common or national language that promotes business, trade, knowledge exchange, and other crucial elements of society.

Why does land become a source of tribal conflicts?

In terms of land settlement, the regions where the current generation resides have been inhabited since ancient times, with indigenous populations speaking various languages. Despite the absence of scientific research to offer conclusive proof, linguistically diverse ethnic groups coexist in relative harmony throughout much of Ethiopia’s unoccupied territory.

The assertions put forth by ethnic leaders and their advocates concerning “our tribe’s language” and “our tribe’s land” are purely political rhetoric, lacking a strong basis. Politically driven ethnic categorization and territorial demarcation of people based on hollow rhetoric are prejudiced and unsubstantiated, failing to accurately represent the sentiments of the populace or advance their welfare. Consequently, the demographic composition of Ethiopia does not lend itself well to tribal politics in the long run.

Unfortunately, a faction of myopic, crafty, rigid, and power-hungry ultra-ethnic politicians are propagating a false narrative, asserting that “A fish swallows a dragon.” Their discourse is largely detached from the welfare of their own citizens, who continue to endure poverty and marginalization. Instead, their interests revolve around catering to the privileged class while thriving on the suffering of the disadvantaged. The self-serving nature and avarice of these ethno-nationalist politicians, their defamatory tactics, their divisive and manipulative strategies, their malevolent deeds, and their breach of public trust pose significant risks to our people and to Ethiopia as a whole.

Ethnic politics in Ethiopia essentially amounts to a seizure of state power and control over the national economy.

The political landscape in Ethiopia is merely a façade, a deceptive display. The politics played out within the Palace entrance are nothing but a charade. However, the true essence of politics lies in the determination of the majority of Ethiopians to rise against an oppressive government system that keeps them in chains and perpetuates poverty.

The previous political discourse is constructed upon distortions, reconstructions, and misrepresentations of historical government structures. On the other hand, the emergence of a new government, known as the new Ethiopia, aligns with the teachings propagated by the TPLF and upheld by the Prosperity Party under the leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali (PhD). Unfortunately, this ideology is pushing Ethiopia dangerously close to the brink of disaster.

The renowned ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle once stated that the purpose of politics is to enhance the “happiness of the people.” However, when we observe the ethnic politics prevalent in present-day Ethiopia, the opposite holds true.

The citizens of Ethiopia endure daily suffering through alienation, human rights violations, displacement, and various forms of atrocities, including executions. Tens of millions of people suffer from hunger, and malnutrition hinders the growth of children. Ethnic politics fails to protect the human and civil rights of Ethiopian citizens. It acts as a cancer, debilitating, conflict-ridden, destabilizing, and corrupt.

Censorship and Media

Censorship and media control further reinforce this misleading and false narrative that the Ethiopian people have experienced improved lives and livelihoods under the current regime. One need only examine Ethiopia’s latest ranking in the Human Development Index, placing 175th out of 191 countries, a stark reality deliberately concealed through censorship and selective use of economic development indices that prioritize GDP measurement over the actual improvement of people’s lives and well-being.

In essence, Ethiopia’s political culture has evolved over the past half-century, characterized by elite ethnic capture, the erosion of Ethiopian national institutions, and the degradation of Ethiopian national identity. In this process, peoples’ lives have deteriorated, the government is conflict-ridden, more corrupt, fragile and weaker today than it was pre-2018.

The killing of innocent civilians and the ensuing conflict have had grave implications for human development and the overall progress of the country.

The World Bank, in its latest assessment, has categorized Ethiopia as a country facing fragility, conflict, and violence, highlighting the significant challenges it currently faces.

According to the World Bank, fragility refers to a systemic condition characterized by a severe lack of institutional and governance capacity, which significantly hampers the state’s ability to function effectively, maintain peace, and foster socio-economic development. Conflict, on the other hand, denotes a state of acute insecurity driven by the use of deadly force by various groups—whether state forces, organized non-state entities, or other irregular factions—with political motives or objectives.

When assessing countries in conflict, the World Bank takes into account several indicators. These include an absolute number of conflict-related deaths exceeding specific thresholds, as well as the rate of casualties per 100,000 population and the increase in the number of casualties over time. Unfortunately, both state-sponsored and non-state-sponsored killings of civilians in Ethiopia surpass these thresholds and occur on a recurring basis.

The tragic reality is that when innocent farmers, day laborers, girls, women, and other vulnerable individuals are brutally murdered, it depletes the productive human and social capital of the nation. This exacerbates issues such as hunger, disease, unemployment, and hyperinflation, pushing society and the country closer to the brink.

It is therefore understandable why the World Bank classifies Ethiopia as fragile, conflict-ridden, and subjected to indiscriminate violence. These afflictions are widespread throughout the country and are particularly pronounced in the Amhara region, where civic violence and loss of lives persist unabated.

The evolution of governance in Ethiopian political history over three distinct periods must be examined.

The royal system: In this system, the emperor “appointed by God” was regarded as the “shepherd of the people” and believed to possess divine powers bestowed by the Creator. According to historical accounts, Menelik I, born of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, established the royal dynasty system in Ethiopia.

Over generations, emperors represented various ethnic groups such as the Amhara, Gurage, Oromo, Tigre, and mixed ethnic backgrounds. The genealogical representation of these different groups spanning thousands of years is undeniable. However, it is unfortunate that Oromo and Tigrayan ethno-nationalist political elites today overlook this historical evolution.

Presently, their aim is to single out the Amhara ethnic group as the sole rulers of the imperial dynasty. This distorted narrative serves the political and economic objectives of ethno-nationalist groups, enabling them to capture and retain power indefinitely.

It is important to highlight that neither the Amhara political elites nor the Amhara people themselves deny the fact that power was shared with other ethnic elites and groups throughout Ethiopian history. This power-sharing arrangement has been crucial for the survival of Ethiopia over thousands of years. For instance, during the Battle of Adwa 128 years ago, the Amhara, together with other ethnic groups, defended Ethiopia’s independence in a united alliance.

At the forefront of the fierce resistance against colonialism, there were patriotic leaders representing various ethnic groups in Ethiopia, including the Amhara. The Amhara people have a track record of inclusivity and patriotism. The distorted information propagated by ethno-nationalist political groups can be attributed to a lack of access to accurate historical information and deficiencies in history education for both children and adults. It may also stem from a deliberate misrepresentation of facts as part of an ethnic elite strategy of divide and rule.

An illustrative example that distinguishes the Imperial Dynasty led by Emperor Menelik and Emperor Haile Selassie I is Ethiopia’s esteemed reputation among the international community. Ethiopia successfully resisted Italian colonial conquest and played a significant role in the formation of the United Nations. It also pioneered the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (now the African Union), which still has its headquarters in Ethiopia.

The overthrow of the crown and the formation of the military council

Fifty years ago, the Ethiopian military staged a coup d’état, overthrowing the monarchy and establishing a Military Council. This resulted in the execution of the country’s top leadership and the imposition of a dictatorial form of government. The military regime, known as the Derg, suppressed civil society, opposition parties, and implemented censorship. Governance through force led to the gradual collapse of the state and the government. Eventually, popular resentment against the Socialist Military Dictatorship grew, leading to its downfall.

One redeeming feature of the Derg rule was the implementation of land reform. The Ethiopian left and youth had long advocated for land redistribution, under the banner “Land to the Tiller”, and the military regime responded to this call by changing land ownership. While state ownership of land is not a sustainable model for equitable development, it did provide a significant contribution to the landless population and those who had previously suffered under feudal and semi-capitalist systems.

Evolution of ethnic based federal system: During the period of the Socialist Dictatorship, ethnic-based national liberation fronts emerged, including the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The most influential political force to emerge from this era was the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

It was during this time that Ethiopia entered a new era of ethnic politics and polarization: a genesis to the country’s fragility, conflict, and violence.

As a result of the ethnicization of politics, the social, political, cultural, spiritual, genealogical, and economic bonds that had united the Ethiopian people for centuries started to unravel. The identity of being an Ethiopian citizen was replaced by the supremacy of identity as a member of a specific tribe such as Afar, Amhara, Gurage, Oromo, Tigre, and others.

Unfortunately, a misleading narrative emerged, propagated by ethno-nationalist groups and elites, suggesting that the Amhara people were antagonistic to the rest of Ethiopians. This narrative was present in the TPLF’s manifesto and continued under the EPRDF and the ruling Prosperity Party. This fueled hatred towards the Amhara and led to targeted violence against them.

Consequently, the Amhara people, whether living in the ‘Amhara region’ or dispersed throughout other regions of Ethiopia, have suffered from overall degradation since the EPRDF era. By dismantling the bonds that had been built over centuries of intermarriage, cultural exchanges, and movements of people, Ethiopia has weakened its social fabric and capital as a nation.

The TPLF and OLF-sponsored ethnic and language-based constitution legalized fragmentation and allowed for secession as a right. Ethnic federalism, as implemented, has proven to be prone to conflict and violence.

The Imperial system and the Derg regime can be critiqued for their undemocratic governance and weaknesses. However, one notable difference between these regimes and the current ethno-nationalist system is their approach to governance. The Imperial system and the Derg regime did not rely on ethnicity or language-based ideologies, rhetoric, narratives, references, or structures. They focused on principles, concepts, ideas, visions, and meritocracy to guide their governance.

In contrast, the ethnic-nationalist elites under the TPLF and the PP have utilized recurrent crises of ethnic differences and conflicts to extract and collect rent on behalf of their respective “peoples.” The notion of “peoples” or “people” is often employed by ethno-nationalist elites to perpetuate a divide-and-rule strategy. This approach undermines the idea of Ethiopia as a united country and its citizens as a cohesive entity.

The divide and rule ethnic federal system imposed on Ethiopia is considered the worst form of government imposed on the Ethiopian people. Its primary purpose is to deconstruct and weaken the nation by dividing the people who have coexisted for centuries. This model operates through ethnic differentiation and identity, deviating from the norm of governance that aims to bring people together, strengthen bonds, and create a favorable policy and institutional environment for the welfare of all.

Ethiopia’s current fragility can be attributed to the weakening and almost non-existent national institutions, which have been undermined by the ethnicization of politics. The ethnic political elites have turned the wheel of history backward, seeking to reshape Ethiopia in their own image and consolidating their ethnic hegemony. This approach homogenizes the country, contradicting its inherent diversity and eroding the rights of all citizens.

The ethnic divide and rule model has been elevated to its highest level by the ruling Prosperity Party, further exacerbating the division and pushing Ethiopian society and the country toward instability. Despite attempts to rewrite history through the lens of ethnic politics, authentic historical archives exist as living evidence of Ethiopia’s true history and the unity of its people.

A sick economy

The negative consequences of ethnic politics extend beyond governance and affect the economy as well. The rise of ethnic conflicts and violence has resulted in a chaotic environment, with a large segment of the urban population struggling due to the soaring cost of living, displacement, unemployment, drought, and administrative inefficiencies. Expressing dissent or criticism may even lead to imprisonment, violating the right to freedom of expression.

It is crucial to address these issues and work towards a more inclusive and unified Ethiopia. “Stop tribal politics!! Stop the genocide!! Stop the theft, graft and corruption!! Stop the use of drones to kill innocent civilians!! Release all political prisoners!! Stop Censorship, and so on.

In our assessment, a concerning trend has emerged among ethnic elites and their allies, one that undermines the national ties that have allowed Ethiopians to coexist for centuries with a shared sense of humanity, Ethiopian identity, and citizenship. This erosion of national politics has been primarily fueled by the promotion of an “us and them” mentality, injected into Ethiopia’s political landscape by ethnic political elites.

Regrettably, this divisive phenomenon has overshadowed Ethiopian national identity and, by all accounts, has set the country on a distressing path towards failure. In fact, many now view the Ethiopian government as unequivocally failed.

Divided we fall

Ethnic elites have succeeded in rallying members of their respective ethnic groups to stand together and defend their rights by any means necessary. The TPLF and the OLF serve as prime examples of this geographically and linguistically organized development, fostering a sense of “us” versus “them” within Ethiopia. This sub-Ethiopian-Ness, rooted in geographic settlement, has perpetuated the exclusion of “them” from land ownership and usage—a practice that thrived under the EPRDF and has worsened under Abiy’s regime.

We raise doubts about the viability of a sub-national structure, which forms the basis of existing ethno-nationalism in defined areas, as a means to support national unity, Ethiopia’s sovereignty, and territorial integrity. A weak social, cultural, economic, and political center cannot sustain Ethiopia. We firmly believe that the broader concept of Ethiopianism, or Ethiopiawinnet, which most Ethiopians embrace—a unified Ethiopian nationalism—has been destroyed, weakened, and its spirit degraded. It is imperative that we restore it.

The architects of ethnic liberation fronts and their foreign allies bear primary responsibility for the erosion of Ethiopian solidarity and shared identity. The current regime has only deepened this tragic decline. What is even more distressing is that ethnic groups within their respective regions feel entitled to demean, expel, or even kill members of other nationalities, labeling them as “the other.”

Depending on the political influence wielded by ethnic elites in power, minority groups in specific regional states are either designated as special zones, such as the Oromo in the Amhara region, or denied such status, like the minority Amhara in Benishangul Gumuz and Oromia. This is because the Amhara people are labeled as “enemies” regardless of their place of residence or occupation, with their human and civil rights denied recognition.

This exclusionary administrative structure operates akin to a caste system, further eroding Ethiopian nationalism. Unfair federal budget allocation and exclusionary policies create tensions, leading to conflicts, violence, and countless deaths. Regional disparities are pronounced and may worsen in the future.

As we pen this commentary, Ethiopia teeters on the brink of an all-out civil war, with the TPLF, OLA Army, OLF-Shene, Fano, and other factions determined to resolve their differences through armed conflict. This peril is further exacerbated if Ethiopia’s military aligns itself along ethnic and political lines, taking sides in the conflict.

Unfortunately, Ethiopia currently lacks the presence of pan-Ethiopian national civil society, professional, faith-based, or political institutions—entities strong and courageous enough to demand an end to the madness and advocate for peace, human security, stability, and justice. Simply put, Ethiopia’s core is hollowed out, and a sense of commonality has been severely degraded.

In the newly established administrative structures outlined by the new Constitution, the population within each ethnic enclave gradually forgets the evolution of Ethiopia over time and the deep bonds forged through intergenerational marriages and population movements. We suggest that ethnic elites in power redirect the focus of their new generation towards the belief that their ethnic group is a victim, oppressed, repressed, and exploited by others.

This unfortunate transformation and backward-looking mentality required years of meticulous planning and political indoctrination by national liberation fronts. These fronts identified the Amhara nationality as the source of their own predicament and the predicament of the entire country. Tribal or ethnic nationalism appeals to emotions, spreads like a virus, and thrives when there is a specific enemy to demean and attack.

Lashing out at “Them/The Other” with impunity

Ethiopia’s ethnic divisions are deeply ingrained in the minds of ethnic politicians and the parties they lead, as research indicates. Groups like the TPLF and OLF strategically conceive, craft, and disseminate manifestos, particularly targeting the youth. While in power, these groups manipulate the curriculum and educational materials to indoctrinate cadres and the general population, promoting the authenticity and superiority of their exclusionary and dominant ethnic ideologies. They justify violence against those they perceive as the enemy or oppressor.

This pervasive ideology and political culture have permeated all aspects of public life, including religious institutions. Regrettably, Ethiopia is now approaching a point of no return across various fronts. Paradoxically, the current regime claims to defend the constitutional order while simultaneously violating its own laws and procedures. It replaces one ethnic elite with another, perpetuating tyranny, hegemony, theft, graft, corruption, and engaging in state-sponsored terrorism, violence, and killings without consequence.

In contemporary Ethiopia, those in control of state and government power operate with unparalleled impunity, circumventing the law. Their prevailing mantra is, “If you are not with us, you are against us!”

Abiy’s regime operates with an alarming level of impunity. The norm has become the right to inflict pain and suffering on innocent civilians. No institutional safeguards exist to prevent such atrocities. For instance, the two-year war with the TPLF resulted in the deaths of over a million innocent civilians. To this day, no one has been held accountable for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, or economic crimes.

Impunity has granted the regime the license to kill or imprison anyone who dissents or expresses opposing views. This sense of impunity has led to another civil war. The Abiy regime has used the pretext of preserving or restoring law and order to launch attacks on the Amhara region, employing drones, tanks, and other heavy weaponry. The regime continues to perpetrate such acts, resulting in an unknown number of civilian casualties and extensive damage to social and economic infrastructure. This cycle of conflict and violence, instigated by both state and non-state actors, is a grave travesty that must be halted. Otherwise, Ethiopia’s survival is at stake.

Trust in Ethiopia’s Commissions

While there is no consensus on the matter, a few academics and activists anticipate that Ethiopia’s government-sanctioned national consultation/dialogue forum might have the courage and resilience to address the toxicity and harm caused by ethnic polarization and politics in the country. While we acknowledge the core principles of peace, reconciliation, and restorative justice, we remain skeptical due to government interference and heavy-handedness, based on the track records of two previously sanctioned commissions.

A constitutionally approved division of the political landscape in the country among ethnic political parties, who prioritize “us versus them” politics rather than working harmoniously for the common national interest is observed time and again.

As an Oromo ethnic political elite once stated, “Politics is a card game gambled to win-lose,” encapsulating the deceptive or interactive strategies employed by ethnic politicians in the country’s politics. The intent and purpose of ethnic politicians’ involvement in politics revolve around forming transient deceptive partnerships, characterized by a cycle of marriages, divorces, remarriages, and subsequent divorces, all aimed at gaining dominance over sister parties. However, these illusory alliances no longer endure.

This unhealthy inter-ethnic party race for political power and advantage undermines the pursuit of a win-win, unifying national political agenda. Ethnic politicians are determined to remain entrenched in the lucrative political business they have mastered, resisting the need for a mindset change and process reengineering.

The Ethiopian people deserve a new constitution based on citizenship principles. They deserve a legal framework that prohibits the formation of political parties based on ethnicity or religion. Sub-Saharan African states can serve as models in this regard.

Only when Ethiopian society extricates itself from the confines of ethnic politics can Ethiopia regain acceptance within Africa and the international community. Presently, Ethiopia’s stature has diminished.

The sea-gate question

During the era of European colonialism, Ethiopia faced challenges regarding its access to the Red Sea, which has long been internationally recognized and legitimate. The Berlin Conference of 1884–1885, where European powers discussed the colonization and trade of Africa, played a significant role in undermining Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea.

Great Britain, France, and Italy, the dominant European colonial powers at the time, were hesitant to expand their colonies in East Africa towards the Indian Ocean. Instead, they focused on annexing and controlling Ethiopia’s coastlines, including Eritrea, and gaining control over the Nile River and its basins.

This strategy aimed to secure a vast and strategically important land mass from the Indian Ocean to the Red Sea. Unfortunately, due to internal conflicts, civil wars, and rivalries among Ethiopia’s princes, the country was unable to defend its seacoast effectively, finding itself encircled, weak, and vulnerable – reminiscent of what is happening today.

Consequently, Ethiopia lost its Red Sea ports. However, it regained access when Eritrea was liberated from Italian colonial rule and rejoined Ethiopia in 1952. Tragically, Ethiopia once again lost its seaports and access to the Red Sea when Eritrea seceded and gained independence, a development facilitated by the late Meles Zenawi, the leader of the TPLF and ruler of Ethiopia at the time.

Ethiopia has a long-standing historical claim to sea access, as the Ethiopian state originally included the land known as “Merb Reza” or Bahir Earth, which is present-day Eritrea.

In addition to the challenges in the west, Ethiopia’s eastern side saw a division of the Somali coast among European colonial powers. France colonized Djibouti (known as French Somaliland), the British controlled British Somaliland, and Italy occupied Italian Somaliland.

This historical division and legacy of divide and rule continue to impact the region, with Somalia facing significant challenges as a failed state and a target of extremism and terrorism.

Throughout history, Ethiopia’s national independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, national boundaries, interests, security, and access to the sea have been fiercely protected through the patriotic struggles led by leaders from diverse ethnic groups. Emperor Yohannes IV’s victories against the Egyptian invading army and Emperor Menelik’s recapture of Harar exemplify Ethiopia’s determination to safeguard its national interests.

In 1897, Queen Victoria sent an envoy led by Rennel Rudd to Ethiopia on behalf of the British government to address protectorate agreements concerning British Somaliland. During this time, Emperor Menelik expressed to the British envoy that the area now known as Mogadishu was part of the Ethiopian kingdom called Benadir.

In a letter conveyed through Rennel Rudd to Queen Victoria, the Emperor was quoted as saying, “If there is God and I get the age and strength, I will definitely restore the boundaries of ancient Ethiopia from the Indian Ocean to Khartoum.”

Ethiopia historically had expansive territories extending from the Red Sea in the north to the Indian Ocean in the east, the Sudanese border in the west, South Sudan in the southwest, and possibly beyond in Eastern Africa. It is not surprising that Somalis have an affinity with Ethiopians. Many ethnic Somali tribes, such as the Haber Awol, Dulberhati, Ishak, and others, believe that their ancestry traces back to Ethiopia. They are considered an integral part of Ethiopia.

It was against this historical backdrop that Siad Barre, the former president of Somalia, sought to establish a greater Somalia by going to war against Ethiopia and annexing the entire Ogaden region. However, Barre’s army was ultimately defeated by a unified Ethiopian force. Following this defeat, Somalia descended into a state of disarray, becoming a broken and failed state. Northern Somalia subsequently broke away to form the de facto state of Somaliland, which is currently working towards international recognition.

A “Greater Somalia”

The concept of “Greater Somalia” is driven by ultranationalist Somali politicians and foreign powers, including Egypt, who seek to exploit gaps and opportunities within Ethiopian governance and politics. Historical examples include Somali aggression in 1960, shortly after an attempted coup d’état against Haile Selassie’s government, and a series of formal wars organized by Somali leaders in 1976, aligning with internal political opposition groups and foreign powers in the wake of the 1974 revolution.

One strategic alliance during this time was formed with the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), known as Shabia, whose goal was to weaken Ethiopia and secure independence for Eritrea. The TPLF, the ONLF, and other opposition groups also aligned with the government of Somalia against the Ethiopian state and government. Somalia served as a hub, providing material, intelligence, and diplomatic support to Ethiopia’s adversaries and propagating propaganda campaigns through radio services.

It is worth noting that Somali Ethiopians from the Ogaden region played a role in urging Haile Selassie’s government to incorporate the Ogaden into the Ethiopian state, which influenced the British in their dealings with Ethiopia. Similarly, there were propositions by Ethiopian Somalis and forward-thinking Ethiopian leaders, including the emperor, that the port city of Djibouti should be part of Ethiopia.

However, due to weak and hesitant Ethiopian government leadership, these proposals did not materialize, and Djibouti held a referendum in 1977 that resulted in its independence.

The EPRDF emerged victorious over the Derg regime, and in 1991, under the leadership of Meles Zenawi, the EPRDF achieved a significant milestone by becoming the first government worldwide to acknowledge Eritrea’s independence and relinquish Ethiopia’s ports, which were funded by the Ethiopian people.

However, in this process, the EPRDF asserted that Ethiopia’s political history spans only 100 years: inadvertently fueling our nation’s historical adversaries and diminished Ethiopia’s standing.

Despite the Mogadishu government’s efforts, the tribes in northern Somalia expressed their desire to live alongside their Ethiopian brethren under a unified banner, rejecting the notion of coexistence with the Mogadishu administration. In response, the Mogadishu government took forceful measures to mitigate the situation.

The recent inclination of northern Somalia towards closer ties with Ethiopia can be seen as a manifestation of the natural aspirations of a people who have long been suppressed by European colonialists and ever-changing Somali leaders focused on rent collection.

Ethiopia has the right to vigorously defend its access to the sea in accordance with international law. However, in the spirit of reciprocity, corresponding benefits should be considered. Furthermore, we contend that the formation of a common market comprising all countries in the Horn of Africa is a viable alternative whose time has come. Nevertheless, adherence to international norms and protocols is of utmost importance.

Despite Ethiopia’s historical claims and track record and the inclinations of Somaliland and Puntland authorities, the regime has a responsibility to uphold the charters of the United Nations and the African Union, to which Ethiopia is a signatory.

Ethiopia should explore various internationally accepted legal instruments and tools. Given the enduring nature of Ethiopia’s quest for access to the sea, which transcends generations, and considering its valid and legitimate historical ownership of its coastlines and the ancient ports they encompass, it is incumbent upon political parties and citizens to embark on a new path towards mainstreaming the “legitimate access to the sea gate” as a unifying agenda. This must be done in spite of deep-rooted ethnic-based political divisions. This approach serves the national interest, regardless of the ruling regime.

Simultaneously, it is necessary to question whether Ethiopian citizens would have unanimously consented to the agreement between Ethiopia and Somaliland had it been reached before the current ethnic crisis erupted in Ethiopia. Did the Ethiopian government neglect the preliminary political and diplomatic groundwork required before presenting the agreement as a done deal? Are there opaque or hidden double standards and consequences that favor one ethnic group over another? Was this the opportune moment, and what other limitations and alternatives should be considered?

Any opposition to Ethiopia’s pursuit of a sea gate can only be attributed to a lack of understanding regarding the trade-off between national interests and ethnic group interests. Ambiguous statements made by government officials or party leaders, which simultaneously cater to national interests while constrained by ethnic group interests, often give rise to suspicions of ulterior motives and hidden agendas.

In a government that prioritizes ethnic interests, the common national interests are often overshadowed, and influential politicians tend to promote the interests of their respective ethnic groups as all-encompassing, even when they are not. This disparity in prioritization and the lack of equal sharing of priorities among non-adherents and the public can lead to divergent opinions and catastrophic consequences. It is crucial to openly discuss and converge our ideas on matters of common national interest, without disguising the true nature of these ethnic interests.

As the great Chinese philosopher Confucius once said, “If one wants to run, one must learn to walk. If one wants to teach, one must learn. To define the future, one must study the past.”

Confucius’s timeless words may appear simple, but in reality, we often rush ahead without taking the time to learn and understand. The belief that “I know it all” and the normalization of personal gain without hard work have become pervasive. We try to teach others while remaining ignorant ourselves, neglecting the importance of listening with empathy.

In the process, we undermine the significance of our past and deconstruct the very foundations—history, culture, tradition, icons, faith, language—that define Ethiopia and its people.

We do so at our own peril. Regardless of the contentions and pitfalls of past generations, our history is crucial for understanding the present and shaping the future of Ethiopia. We must recognize the track record of our Ethiopian ancestors, who neither invaded other countries nor closed their doors to immigrants seeking refuge during times of adversity. What they truly did was stand united in defense of national sovereignty against external and internal threats.

However, due to a lack of adequate preparedness, the coastal regions were stripped of their sea ports. It is now the responsibility of the present and future generations to address this issue. The current generation must approach this reality cautiously, resolve internal differences wisely, and unite to overcome these hurdles.

We appeal to the African Union (AU), European Union (EU), United Nations (UN), United States, European countries, and Arab countries, who have been involved historically in the genesis of these challenges, to acknowledge the stifling difficulties currently faced by Ethiopia as a result of these hurdles.

If Ethiopia can overcome these obstacles, it has the potential to increase production and achieve internally generated economic growth for sustained human development. Assisting us in removing these chronic hurdles from our economic development is equivalent to providing actual development assistance.

—————-//——————

(Hussien Adal Mohammed (PhD) is an Associate Professor in the Department of Biology at Wollo University. and

Aklog Birara (PhD) holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Development Economics and International Studies from the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS).)