Mengistu Musie (Dr)
Mmusie2@gmail.com
October 17, 2024
The existential threats facing the Amhara people in Ethiopia can be understood through various historical, political, and socio-cultural lenses. To fully understand the magnitude of the current challenges, it is essential to examine the historical precedents that laid the foundation for the Amhara people’s role in defending Ethiopia’s sovereignty. A pivotal moment in this context was the battle of Adwa, fought in 1896, when Ethiopians, under the leadership of Emperor Menelik II, successfully repelled the Italian invasion, making Ethiopia the only African nation to defeat a European colonial power during the “Scramble for Africa”. This victory protected Ethiopian independence, solidified the nation and its people’s prominent position by European colonial powers, and to Ethiopia’s territorial sovereignty that dark period of colonialism.
In the early 20th century, Ethiopia’s resistance to Benito Mussolini’s aggression continued during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War (1935-1941). Amhara’s patriotism was crucial in resisting occupation and preserving national unity. However, in recent decades, Amhara’s prominent role in state building and national defense has been interpreted as imperialistic by internal political actors, including ethnic nationalists. Thus, the ethnocentric movements, particularly those espousing Oromo and Tigrayan nationalist ideologies, have increasingly targeted the Amhara people, depicting them as historical oppressors. This narrative, promoted by these ethnic nationalist movements assisted by external enemies, has led to existential threats for the Amhara people. The depiction of the Amhara people includes mass displacement, targeted violence, and systematic marginalization.
Understanding the origins of these current ethno-fascist movements requires to examine the post-1991 political landscape, in which Ethiopia adopted an ethnic federalist system under the rule of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This system institutionalized ethnic divisions and heightened inter-ethnic tensions, which have since evolved into severe conflicts, with the Amhara people frequently being scapegoated for the country’s historical challenges. The Amhara people are currently facing not just physical violence and displacement, but also a struggle for their cultural survival. These challenges are compounded by distorted histories and narratives that seek to undermine their significant contributions to the nationhood of Ethiopia.
The Second Italo-Ethiopian War and the Role of Amhara Resistance
The second Italo-Ethiopian War (1935), led by Benito Mussolini, also constituted another critical battle in Ethiopia’s resistance to European colonialism. When other African nations were under the rug of European imperial aggression, Ethiopia again found itself in no mood to give up its sovereignty. The Amhara people were central to the nation’s defense and instrumental in mobilizing and organizing resistance against the Fascist Italian invasion.
The Amhara people were Ethiopia’s frontline defense and later offensive force, along with other vital alliances of the Western Shewa Oromos, especially Bekele Woya and Geresu Duki. Such groups contrasted with the Banda (local allies of Wolega’s Dejazmach Habtemariam and Jimma’s Aba Jobir), who sided with the conquerors. With the Amhara’s and their allies’ outstanding efforts, resistance fighters from Shewa, Gojjam, and Gondar pushed the Italians out of Ethiopia.
The Amhara of Gojjam, Shewa, and Gondar – So be it the “chauvinists” of their enemies – bore the full brunt of the nation’s liberation. They were martyred, and they forced out the Italians with no European help. On 5 May 1941 (Miazia 27, 1933 EC), Emperor Haile Selassie’s reclaiming of power was made possible by the early liberation of Gojjam by most significant patriotic figures like Dejazmach Mengesha Jenberie, Dejazmach Negash Bezabih, Lij Hailu Belew, and the brothers Belay Zeleke, Ejigu Zeleke, and Sheferaw Gerbaw.
Internal Betrayal: The Role of Jima Aba Jobir and Dejazmach Habtemariam
While the entire Amhara population of Gojjam, Gondar, Wollo, and Northern Shewa stood unwavering against Italian fascism, they were joined by Northern and Western Shewa patriots, including prominent Oromo allies. Leaders such as Ras Desta, Betwoded Nesibu from the Guragie patriots, and others played critical roles in organizing the resistance. These leaders embodied the Ethiopian spirit of unity in the face of foreign aggression. However, not all leaders remained loyal to this cause, and notable betrayals complicated the resistance effort.
Among the most significant acts of betrayal were those by Aba Jobir of Keffa in Jimma and Dejazmach Habtemariam of Wollega. Motivated by personal ambition, opportunism, or fear, these leaders voluntarily surrendered to the Italians and formed alliances with the occupiers. Their collaboration with the Italian forces weakened the broader resistance movement, as they turned against their people in exchange for personal safety and power. This betrayal deeply hurt the Ethiopian patriots, as they now faced the foreign invader and the challenge of fighting their brothers alongside the enemy.
This internal division created immense challenges for the Ethiopian resistance. A particularly devastating consequence was the capture of Ras Imru Haile Selassie, one of Ethiopia’s key military leaders, along with his close aide, Kibur Hadis Alemayehu, by the Italians. Despite this setback, the Ethiopian resistance, primarily led by the Amhara and their Western Shewa Oromo allies, continued to fight resolutely. The defection of local leaders like Aba Jobir and Dejazmach Habtemariam reminds us of Ethiopia’s complex and fractured political landscape at the time. Not all regions or leaders were united in defending Ethiopia’s sovereignty, and this internal disunity threatened the broader struggle.
The 1930s were a pivotal period in world history, particularly in Ethiopia. While World War II is often said to have begun in 1939 with the German invasion of Poland, the seeds of this global conflict were arguably sown earlier in Ethiopia. In 1935, Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini launched an invasion of Ethiopia, seeking to avenge its humiliating defeat at the Battle of Adwa in 1896 and to fulfill Mussolini’s imperial ambitions. This invasion was not only an attempt to subjugate Ethiopia but also one of the first significant acts of aggression by the Axis powers. Thus, Ethiopia became the site of the first considerable confrontation in what would later become a global conflict.
The war was a defining moment in Ethiopia’s modern history. The Ethiopians, though outgunned and outnumbered, resisted with fierce determination. The contributions of the Amhara, the Oromo patriots from Shewa, and other allied groups were crucial in this struggle. Despite the betrayal of some local leaders, Ethiopia’s fight against Italian fascism stands as a testament to the nation’s resilience and its people’s enduring commitment to sovereignty and freedom. The victory was hard-won and made possible by the sacrifices of countless patriots who refused to bow to foreign domination.
Existential Threats from Within: The Rise of Ethno-Nationalism in Ethiopia
Today, the Amhara people face existential threats not only from external forces but from within Ethiopia itself. Ethno-fascist movements, many of which are supported by foreign powers, have arisen in Ethiopia, threatening the unity of the nation and targeting the Amhara people. These internal enemies, often aligned with Western geopolitical interests, pursue policies of ethnic division that echo the colonialist strategies of the 19th and 20th centuries.
The ethno-nationalist movements, particularly those led by Oromo and Tigrayan elites, seek to divide Ethiopia along ethnic lines, weakening the central state and threatening the very existence of the Amhara people. This fragmentation is not a coincidence but a continuation of European colonial influence, with Western powers once again playing a role in keeping Ethiopia divided and vulnerable.
The Amhara people, whose ancestors played a crucial role in defending Ethiopia from external enemies and preserving the nation’s unity, are now facing an existential threat from internal forces. These internal enemies, brainwashed by the same ideologies that their forefathers fought against for centuries, not only jeopardize the very existence of the Ethiopian nation but specifically target the Amhara people, who have historically been associated with patriotism and the defense of Ethiopia.
The narrative that Ethiopia is an “imperial state” and that the Amhara are “imperialists” has been cultivated by those who wish to divide the nation along ethnic lines. This labeling has intensified with the advent of ethnic federalism since 1991, with the introduction of the TPLF/EPRDF regime. As a result, when the current generation of Amhara youth organize to defend themselves against this existential threat, opportunist intellectuals dismiss their struggles, claiming there is no real threat to the Amhara people.
This paper is not written to convince these “hollow windbags” who brush off the heroic youth of the Amhara—those who stand for freedom, democracy, and the end of ethicized politics—as mere rebels. Rather, this paper seeks to highlight the very real and ongoing existential threats that have loomed over the Amhara people since the introduction of ethnic politics in Ethiopia in 1991. These threats manifest in eight core areas, detailed below:
Ethnic-Based Violence and Targeted Attacks፡ In recent years, Amhara communities have been subjected to targeted attacks, particularly in regions such as Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz. These violent incidents, including mass killings, displacement, and the destruction of property, are part of a broader pattern aimed at weakening or eliminating the Amhara population in certain areas. Ethnic tensions fuel these attacks, which many view as deliberate attempts to undermine the security and cohesion of Amhara communities.
This violence began with the introduction of ethnic politics by the TPLF/EPRDF and OLF in 1991. Major incidents such as the massacres in Arba Gugu, Bedeno, and Bale-Goba targeted Amhara communities. As a result, many Amhara people born in these regions have been forced to leave, resettling in urban areas to escape harassment, killings, and the burning of their homes. Despite these displacements, the violence has not ceased but continues in a more organized fashion.
Ethnic Federalism፡ The introduction of ethnic federalism in 1991 under the EPRDF, led by the TPLF, had profound implications for the Amhara people. This system divided Ethiopia along ethnic lines, creating autonomous regional states based on ethnicity. For the Amhara people, who historically embraced a unified Ethiopian identity, ethnic federalism has fostered division, resentment, and marginalization.
In many regions, local administrations, particularly in Oromia—have issued directives telling Amhara people to “return to their ethnic homeland.” For instance, in Harar, where Amhara make up 25.5% of the population, they have no political representation and are excluded from city and regional governance. In Nazret (Adama), despite the Amhara accounting for 35% of the population and the Gurage community making up 12%, both groups are denied any representation in local administrations.
In Addis Ababa, where Amhara account for 71% of the population, the city has been administered by minority groups, first by the TPLF and now by the Oromo leadership of the OPP (Oromo Prosperity Party), appointed by the Prime Minister rather than through elections. This systematic exclusion is a direct result of ethnic federalism.
Land Disputes and Territorial Claim:Territorial disputes over historically Amhara regions such as Wolkait, Raya, and Metekel have further marginalized the Amhara people. Under the ethnic federalism system, these territories were reallocated, leading to tensions between the Amhara and neighboring ethnic groups like the Tigray and Gumuz. The federal system has allowed other ethnic groups to claim traditional Amhara lands, exacerbating feelings of disenfranchisement among the Amhara population.
Since 1991, when TPLF and OLF took power, fertile lands such as Humera were taken by the TPLF and distributed to its commissioned army officers. In addition to land grabs, untold crimes were committed by TPLF forces against the indigenous Wolkait people, pushing them out of their ancestral lands. In the southwest, TPLF forces displaced Amhara, Agew, and Shinasha people, forcing them to either leave or accept the new rulers known as the Gumuz.
Political Marginalization: The Amhara people have been politically sidelined, both during the TPLF-dominated EPRDF regime and the current Oromo-led government. Amhara leaders and activists have raised concerns about their underrepresentation in federal politics and policies that disproportionately favor other ethnic groups, particularly the Tigray and Oromo.
While organizations such as BEADEN are multi-ethnic, it is a well-known fact that TPLF’s imposed agenda has led to the political marginalization of the Amhara people. Despite being one of the largest ethnic groups in the country, the Amhara have been systematically excluded from meaningful participation in the nation’s political affairs for over 30 years.
Cultural destruction and Historical distortion: Amhara intellectuals and activists have voiced concerns over attempts to diminish or erase the contributions of the Amhara people to Ethiopia’s national identity. This includes efforts to rewrite historical narratives, portraying the Amhara as oppressors and justifying exclusionary policies against them. Such cultural destruction threatens to erase the Amhara’s place in Ethiopian history and undermine their identity.
Since 1991, supporters of ethnocentric organizations such as the TPLF and OLF have spread false narratives in schools and the media, labeling the Amhara with derogatory terms. For the past 34 years, Amhara people have been portrayed as enemies by their own compatriots, facing cultural and historical attacks from within the nation.